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Category: ASEAN

Myanmar junta hands out harsh sentences to people from martial law townships

Editor04 mins

Myanmar’s junta has been handing out long prison sentences to people arrested in Sagaing region townships where it has imposed martial law, sentencing seven people to terms of between seven years and life over the past week, according to locals and People’s Defense Force officials. On June 14, troops arrested three residents of Ayadaw township in a restaurant before they planned to head to Yangon to attend a Korean language course. On Aug. 31, a military tribunal sentenced one of them, 40-year-old Zaw Aung, to life in prison on three terrorism charges. The Northern Military Command tribunal also sentenced 20-year-old Thiha Zaw and 19-year-old Pyae Sone Aung to seven years for terrorism. The Information officer of the People’s Defense Force in Ayadaw township, who wished to remain anonymous for security reasons, told Radio Free Asia he was surprised such harsh sentences were imposed on ordinary villagers. “Those who have been arrested and sentenced are not part of the revolution,” he said.  “Many of the families here go to Yangon to attend Korean courses in order to go abroad because the economy has become difficult. I thought that they would be released as they did not belong [to a People’s Defense Force]. I was so surprised when this happened.” He added that nearly 30 civilians from Ayadaw township have been arrested and imprisoned in the seven months since the junta imposed martial law there. In a separate case on Sept. 2, a military court in Indaw township sentenced two men to life imprisonment, according to a statement by the Indaw Revolution anti-junta group. They were with another man and a woman arrested at a checkpoint at the township entrance in July. On Saturday, the court sentenced Zaw Myo Naing and Tin Maung Win to life imprisonment for terrorism and treason. It sentenced Kyaw Thet and Thida Win to seven years for supporting local People’s Defense Forces. An official of Indaw Revolution, who also declined to give his name, told RFA that despite the harsh punishments, the four had no ties to the group. He added that more than 10 civilians have been sentenced to death or life imprisonment since the junta imposed martial law on Indaw township. Calls to junta council spokesperson for Sagaing region, Tin Than Win, seeking comment on the sentences went unanswered. A total of 14 townships, including Indaw in Sagaing region have been put under martial law by the junta since February, 2023. Since then, 235 civilians have been sentenced to prison terms by military courts in Sagaing region, according to pro-junta Telegram messaging app channels. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

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Family blames police brutality for death of 28-year-old Vietnamese man

Editor06 mins

Hours after being detained by police on Sunday, a 28-year-old Vietnamese man died. Family members accuse officers of beating him to death, saying his body was covered with bruises. Authorities, however, say Bui Van Hai died in the hospital after Duc Linh district police rushed him there when he showed signs of “fatigue and difficulty breathing,” a statement in Tuesday’s People’s Public Security Newspaper said.  The report said he was accused of stealing two dogs. Either way, Hai is the latest person to die from “unidentified causes” while in Vietnamese police custody in recent years.  At least 16 people have died in police stations or detention facilities between 2018 and 2021, according to statistics collected by RFA from Vietnamese state-owned media reports. In May, a 26-year-old suspect died just hours after being detained at Bu Dang District Police’s temporary detention facility in Binh Phuoc province. His family told RFA that they believe his death was the result of a police beating. In Hai’s case, he was invited to come to a meeting at the commune police headquarters at around 6:00 pm on Sunday, his older brother, Bui Manh Hung, said. He escorted his brother to the building and then left. At 11:45 pm, Hung was informed that his brother had been transported to the Duc Linh District Hospital, where he had died soon afterwards. ‘Bluer than a chunk of beef’ When Hung arrived at the hospital, his brother was dead and there were no police officers present. Medical staff told him that at around 9:00 pm, two people wearing masks carried Bui Van Hai into the hospital and then departed.  Hung said his brother was covered in bruises. “I filmed and took photos of him. He was darker and bluer than a chunk of beef. Internal beatings caused all of his injuries,” Hung said. “They hit him, causing internal bruises and injuries.” In response to Hung’s request for more information, the Southern Binh Thuan General Hospital confirmed Tuesday that Hai was already dead when he arrived at the hospital. Hung has denied authorities’ accusations against his brother, saying Hai was sleeping at home at the time of the alleged burglary.  “Our family was very saddened, shocked, confused and outraged at the accusations made by the police and state-owned media,” he said. After he and his family brought Hai’s body home, the police prevented them from using a vehicle to transport a freezer in which they planned to preserve Hai’s body as they awaited results of a forensic examination, he said. Hung also said that authorities from the district, commune and village levels all pressured his family to bury Hai as soon as possible, despite the family’s calls for an investigation into his cause of death.  Hung told RFA that he believes local authorities are trying to cover up the cause of his brother’s death and hamper any investigations into the case. RFA got no response when it reached out to Duc Linh District Police Chief and other local authorities for comment. On Tuesday, Hung told RFA reporters that if Hai’s case is not adequately investigated by local authorities, he will personally reach out to Vietnam’s Minister of Public Security General To Lam to demand an explanation for his brother’s death. “So far, I haven’t made a request,” he said. “However, if the case is not investigated properly, I will demand Minister To Lam’s participation so that my dead brother won’t suffer any more unfairness and injustice.” Translated by Anna Vu. Edited by Claire McCrea and Malcolm Foster.

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Myanmar’s post-coup economy comes crumbling down

Editor012 mins

Amid the news of escalating violence, it’s easy to lose sight of two events in August 2023 that exposed the Myanmar military regime’s vulnerability.   First, in a video message to the Moscow International Security Conference, coup leader Min Aung Hlaing complained about the weaponization of the dollar.  Second, the August appointment of Lt Gen Nyo Saw to two special commissions on trade and foreign exchange that report directly to junta chief Min Aung Hlaing. Saw is a close confidant, but as the chairman of military-owned conglomerate Myanma Economic Corporation (MEC) and a director of military’s other holding company, Myanma Economic Holdings Ltd (MEHL), he’s also the military’s most experienced economic and business expert.  It’s hard to overstate just how bad Myanmar’s economy is. Although the World Bank predicts GDP to grow at 2 to 3% this year, the economy has contracted by 12% since January 2021. A decade’s worth of economic growth was eviscerated.  Myanmar junta leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing during a military exercise in Ayeyarwady delta region, Myanmar, Feb. 2018. Credit: Lynn Bo Bo/Reuters pool Nearly 60% of the population is now living beneath the poverty line, and the World Bank is warning about food insecurity across the country. Between war, climate change, and currency controls that limited the amount of the imports of fertilizer and pesticides, agricultural production is down. Although 2022-23 saw $1.6 billion in pledged foreign investment – almost all of which was from China or boomerang Myanmar investment via Singapore and Hong Kong – far less was actually realized. Other foreign investors are pulling out, citing poor market conditions, pressure from activists, and reputational costs. This has diminished the corporate tax base. With the exception of gas and oil sales to Thailand and China, exports have been hard hit. According to the military government’s Ministry of Commerce, in the first eight months of 2022, total exports reached $6.57 billion, giving the country a $172 million trade surplus.  In the same period in 2023, total exports dropped by 9.8% to $5.93 billion, with a $500 million trade deficit. But if one disaggregates border trade, it’s even worse.  Currency control confusion Exports to overseas markets fell by 21%. And it will worsen as key manufacturers, such as clothing makers H&M, Primark, and Inditex,- have left. Some retailers are now shunning Myanmar gemstones.  Trade has been hard hit by a series of hastily implemented currency controls that change regularly, upsetting businesses. Some of the more recent currency controls have forced any individual or business with more than $10,000, without a permit, to purchase the kyat currency at the official exchange rate of 2,100 to the U.S. dollar.  The black market rate for the greenback is 3,900 kyat , a 300% decline in the value of the currency since the Feb. 1, 2021 coup.  Headquarters of the military-owned Myanmar Economic Corporation in Yangon, one of the country’s main military conglomerates. Photo: Ye Aung Thu/AFP Myanmar’s banks are increasingly isolated. U.S. sanctions on Myanma Foreign Trade Bank and Myanma Investment and Commercial Bank, which were responsible for the clearing of most U.S. dollar transactions, have forced costly workarounds, such as establishing new shell companies and bank accounts. Singapore’s United Overseas Bank Limited (UOB) announced that they would close the accounts of Myanmar, and had already stopped providing banking services for Myanmar Airways International. Other Singapore banks are expected to follow suit, following signaling from the Monetary Authority of Singapore and the additional reporting requirements due to the Financial Action Task Force blacklist. A Bangladesh bank froze the accounts of the two sanctioned banks.  Government revenue is flat or declining. While officially a secret, projections built into the annual Union Taxation Law paint a grim picture. The Internal Revenue Department has warned that revenue from lotteries, income tax, corporate taxes, natural resource rents, and customs duties have all stayed flat or contracted since the coup; only rents from oil and gas exports have gone up. Tax authorities are now specifically hitting medical professionals with preemptive taxes. According to data compiled by the opposition National Unity Government (NUG), the Central Bank of Myanmar has compelled banks, state-owned enterprises and insurance companies to buy an estimated 26.5 trillion kyat in bonds, $3.1 billion at the black market rate, since the coup. With an inability to repay, and an NUG pledge that the bonds will not be honored, these are additional liabilities for banks that are already saddled with non-performing loans. The regime is broke and may have turned on the printing presses. The NUG estimates that the military government has printed up to 20 trillion kyat, roughly $5.1 billion at black market rates, since the coup, partially explaining the high inflation.   Sanctions take a bite In July 2023, the junta issued a K20,000 note, the highest denomination, creating an inflationary spike and a further decline in the currency’s value. It’s supposed to be a limited issue currency, but with 14% inflation, a higher denominated note may be required. While international sanctions have not resulted in a massive seizure of funds, they’ve not been insignificant either. The U.S.immediately froze $1.1 billion of Central Bank of Myanmar assets following the coup. The European Union froze $503 million when it sanctioned the Ministry of Oil and Gas Enterprise. More importantly, the sanctions have made everything harder for the junta.  The NUG has identified 13 other banks around the world that are holding some $5.5 billion in Central Bank of Myanmar assets, 67% of which are in nine banks in Singapore. Should the NUG ever convince the Singapore government to freeze those assets, it would deliver the coup de grâce.  A jetty for oil tankers at Madae island, Kyaukpyu, Rakhine state, Myanmar. With the exception of gas and oil exports to Thailand and China, Myanmar’s exports have been hard hit. Credit: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters This degree of economic mismanagement is a crime in itself, right up there with the military’s daily war crimes. The economy is the regime’s Achilles heel and they don’t have…

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Scavengers risk landslides at Kachin jade mines, where the earth is ‘like a sea’

Editor09 mins

Myanmar’s jade mining center of Hpakant is a lawless township where the less fortunate gather to gamble on making it big, but with little oversight, the stakes are high and losing means being swallowed up by the earth at the digging pits. Nearly 600 people – mostly scavengers – have died in at least 10 landslides at the mines in Kachin state since 2018, according to data compiled by RFA Burmese, though residents say the death toll is likely higher because many go unrecorded. Among the accidents over the past year, a 2020 landslide at Hpakant’s Hway Hkar jade mining site – located 150 kilometers (95 miles) west of the Kachin capital of Myitkyina – was the worst, claiming the lives of around 190 people. More than 80 died in a landslide at the Hmaw Si Zar site the following year, while a similar number were killed in one at the Met Lin Chuang site in 2022. One resident of Hpakant who, like others interviewed for this story, declined to be named citing security concerns, said that massive, unguarded piles of earth cast off by mining companies and digging pits of more than 300 meters (1,000 feet) in depth make for deadly conditions at the sites. Scavengers must wait to enter the sites until companies suspend mining operations during the rainy season, but with the rains come even greater risks of being buried alive. “You can’t stop them – they do it every year,” he said. “Since they can’t search for jade during the operating season, people in Hpakant have to scavenge during the rainy or cold seasons. If not, there are no other jobs.” According to the U.K.-based rights group Global Witness, nearly 400,000 people in Myanmar rely on scavenging precious stones in the Hpakant region to earn a living – most of whom work under unsafe conditions. The resident said when it rains in Hpakant, the earth is “like a sea” in some places, and that work in such conditions is “terrifying.” Miners search for jade at a Hpakant mine dump in Kachin state, Myanmar Nov. 25, 2015. Credit: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters Additionally, he said, several abandoned pits in Hpakant put the township at risk of flooding, as rain can build up and overflow at the sites. Others blamed excessive use of explosives and companies’ failure to follow prescribed methods of mining that make sites safer and more sustainable. On Aug. 13, a landslide triggered by heavy rains left 42 people missing at a site near Hpakant’s Mana village, although 33 bodies were later recovered. Video of the aftermath of the incident, obtained by RFA, shows brown water surging up the sides of muddy embankments that circle the caldera of the mine as people look on. In the background, a steep, dark stain runs down the side of a nearby cliff, where scavengers were washed away by a torrent of moving earth. A man who lost his cousin in the landslide said companies are partially to blame for such accidents because they leave their sites unprotected while operations are shut down. “[Mining companies in Hpakant] are all doing it without any rules and regulations,” he said, adding that “not all of them are legal.” Loosened restrictions under junta Under the deposed National League for Democracy, or NLD, jade mining concessions had been suspended in Hpakant and around 90% of mining rights had expired by the end of 2020. However, residents of the area told RFA that since the military seized power in a February 2021 coup, jade companies have illegally restarted mining operations and skirted scrutiny by paying taxes to the Kachin Liberation Organization, an ethnic army in the area, and the junta. “We prohibited [mining] in dangerous places like this,” said parliamentary representative Aung Hein Min, who won a seat in the legislature in Myanmar’s November 2020 election. “We banned high piles of discarded earth … [and] we relaxed the rules outside of the rainy season. Similar measures should be adopted given the current situation.” Rescue workers carry a body shrouded in plastic sheeting, in Hpakant, Kachin state, Myanmar, July 2, 2020, after a landslide killed more than 160 people. Credit: Zaw Moe Htet/AP An environmental conservationist in Hpakant told RFA that in the last decade the number of discarded earth piles have been growing, leading to more landslides that have made the area’s rivers and creeks too shallow. “The rivers, lakes, flora and fauna have been seriously damaged and they need to be restored,” he said. Meanwhile, five of Hpakant’s mountains have “disappeared” due to excavation within the last two decades, the conservationist said. Scavengers at risk When asked about the dangers of mining in the township, junta Social Affairs Minister Win Ye Tun, who is also the spokesperson for Kachin state, said that the regime has been making efforts to protect residents by digging diversion channels at sites where there is a risk of landslides. He also said those who dig illegally are partly to blame for the accidents. Miners search for jade at a Hpakant mine dump in Kachin state, Myanmar, Nov. 25, 2015. Credit: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters A representative of the NGO Myanmar Mine Monitoring Network said that small-scale mining companies should be given priority to dig for jade in Hpakant. “[Migrant workers] depend on excavating precious stones to earn a living, since there are no jobs,” he said. “The use of heavy machinery needs to be reduced and licensing also needs to be properly verified [to ensure the safety of the sites].” Translated by Htin Aung Kyaw. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

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Junta arrests 11 civilians in Myanmar’s Kachin state

Editor03 mins

Junta troops have arrested 11 people in a raid on Myitkyina township in Myanmar’s Kachin state, locals told RFA Thursday. They said that six men and five women were detained three days ago after around 30 soldiers went to a house and accused the residents of having ties to the local People’s Defense Force, part of the pro-democracy forces created in 2021.  As of Thursday, the detainees were still being questioned at the Northern Command base in Myitkyina, according to township residents. One local, who didn’t want to be named for security reasons, told RFA none of the arrested have links to anti-junta militias and had just gathered for a celebration. “I heard people chanting ‘Happy Birthday’ at around 8:00 p.m. I think it was a birthday party, with people gathered for food and drinks,” the local said. “Some employees of phone shops were among those detained. I have no idea who informed the junta soldiers about them.” The local added that the arrests may have been prompted by an attack on the Northern Command in which five bombs exploded close to the base. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack and the junta has not released any statement about it. Win Ye Tun, the junta’s spokesperson for Kachin state, declined to provide comments.  According to figures exclusively compiled by RFA, the junta arrested at least 700 people between June 2023 and August 2023, and among them, only 500 were released. More than 24,000 people, including pro-democracy activists, have been arrested since the Feb. 1, 2021, coup, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

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Meta rejects its oversight board’s advice to suspend Hun Sen’s Facebook account

Editor07 mins

Facebook parent company Meta Platform Inc. this week rejected the advice of its oversight board to suspend Hun Sen’s Facebook and Instagram accounts, where the former Cambodian leader had threatened violence against political opponents. Meta said in a statement on Monday that while it would remove the content that led to the review, it would not ban Hun Sen’s use of the site, citing the company’s “commitment to voice” in its protocol on restricting the accounts of public figures. “Upon assessing Hun Sen’s Facebook Page and Instagram account, we determined that suspending those accounts outside our regular enforcement framework would not be consistent with our policies, including our protocol on restricting accounts of public figures during civil unrest,” the company said. But Meta also said its protocol is not designed for situations where a history of state violence or human rights restrictions have resulted in ongoing restrictions on expressions for an indeterminate period of time. “Applying the protocol in those circumstances could lead to an indefinite suspension of a public figure’s account, which (apart from fairness issues) could be detrimental to people’s ability to access information from and about their leaders and to express themselves using Meta’s platforms,” it said. The company noted that in this case it had “applied appropriate account-level penalties associated with that action.” Facebook is enormously popular in Cambodia, and Hun Sen, who ruled the country for 38 years, often uses it to communicate to the public and to attack political opponents. Hun Sen passed on rule to his son, Hun Manet, following elections in July that were deemed a sham.  Board banned from Cambodia The controversy surrounded a live video streamed on Hun Sen’s official Facebook page of a speech in January during which he made statements viewed as threats of violence against his political opponents.  Meta initially referred the case to the oversight board because it said the matter “created tension between our values of safety and voice.” The board, which operates independently from Meta, advises the company on ethics issues. On June 29, the oversight board ordered the removal of the video and called for an immediate suspension of Hun Sen’s Facebook and Instagram accounts for six months. It marked the first time that the oversight board instructed the company to shut down a government leader’s account, RFA reported. Hun Sen then called on his social media followers to switch to rival platforms TikTok or Telegram. In response to Meta’s latest decision, Cambodia said Tuesday it would allow the California-based company to continue operating in the country, but banned the 22 members of the oversight board from visiting, accusing them of “interference into Cambodian affairs.” “The decision reflects the integrity of contents posted on the official Facebook page of Samdech [honorific] Hun Sen,” it said. Article19, a rights group that advocates for freedom of expression, declined to comment on the reversal and referred RFA to the International Commission of Jurists, or ICJ, an international human rights group based in Geneva, Switzerland.  In March, the ICJ submitted a public comment to Meta’s oversight board concerning Hun Sen’s video, saying that the company had a responsibility to moderate content on its platforms in line with international human rights law and standards.  Daron Tan, a legal adviser at the ICJ, told RFA that he could not comment on Meta’s latest decision, but that his organization was monitoring the company’s ongoing assessment of the feasibility of updating its newsworthiness allowance policy to state that content that directly incites violence is not eligible for this exception.    “The newsworthy allowance has, to date, not been applied consistently or transparently,” Tan said in an email. “As we have repeatedly emphasized, discretionary exception should generally not be available for forms of expression that are prohibited under international human rights law, such as expression inciting violence.” “It is especially critical to impose a restriction where there is a strong risk that the inciting words of a powerful actor like a Prime Minister may be acted upon,” Tan said. Translated by Sovannarith Keo for RFA Khmer. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcom Foster.

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Myanmar army kills 2 villagers in Sagaing region raid

Editor02 mins

Junta troops killed two civilians in a raid on a village in Sagaing region’s Wetlet township, residents told Radio Free Asia Wednesday. Nearly 100 soldiers took part in Wednesday’s raid on Hla Taw, locals said. One of the dead was identified as 38-year-old Aung Naing Oo, according to a resident who didn’t want to be named for security reasons. They said villagers couldn’t identify the other man, thought to be in his 40s. “They were found near the road to the east of Hla Taw Village,” the local said. “They were killed with shots to the chest and head. It is difficult to identify them by name because of their disfigurement.” More than 4,000 civilians from four villages in Wetlet township fled their homes ahead of junta raids, residents said. They said the troops left Hla Taw village on Wednesday morning but then moved into nearby Kyay Zee Kone village. On Saturday, troops raided Kyee Kan (North) village in Wetlet Township. They killed a woman in her 20s and three men in their 30s who were sheltering in a monastery. RFA Burmese called the junta’s spokesperson in the Sagaing region, Tin Than Win, to ask about the killings but nobody answered. More than 4,000 civilians have been killed by the junta since it seized power in a February 2021 coup according to independent monitoring group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

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INTERVIEW: ‘I don’t know if it’s possible for me to ever return to Hong Kong’

Editor019 mins

A photography professor from the Massachusetts Institute of Art and Design has been refused entry to Hong Kong for the second time, further evidence that an ongoing crackdown on dissent under a draconian national security law could affect which foreign nationals are allowed to travel to the city. Matthew Connors, who was denied entry in 2020, immediately after the 2019 protest movement, but who is still allowed to visit North Korea, told RFA Cantonese in a recent interview that he was given a brief, bureaucratic explanation that he “didn’t meet the criteria” for entry, while the Immigration Department has declined to comment on the decision: RFA: When did you try to enter Hong Kong? Connors: On Aug. 16, I’d originally planned to come to Hong Kong as a tourist, and I especially hoped to visit art exhibitions, including the newly opened M+ museum. At the same time, it was also primarily to test the waters, because the last time I came to Hong Kong, at the beginning of 2020, I was refused entry by the Hong Kong Immigration Department, which made me always confused [about] whether I could visit Hong Kong again. And I couldn’t see any reason why I would be refused entry, and I couldn’t really understand what possible danger I could present to the Hong Kong government. I happened to be traveling in Asia for several weeks, and I was in Thailand.  Since the last time I was refused entry back in early 2020, I’d had a lot of uncertainty about whether or not I’d be allowed to return to Hong Kong. And that had been bothering me. So I was hopeful I’d be able to visit and then when I didn’t really see any reason why I shouldn’t be refused, again, because the protests are no longer going on. And I couldn’t really understand what, you know, one possible danger I could present to the Hong Kong government. So I figured I would give it a try. RFA: What happened when you arrived? Connors: I was taken aside, again, by immigration, and I was told that I did not meet the qualifications for entry into Hong Kong at this time, which was a very bureaucratic answer. And it was the same reason that I was given the last time I was refused entry back in 2020. My trip was supposed to be an overnight trip, [and] I didn’t really tell anyone I knew in Hong Kong that I would be coming. Because I didn’t really know what risks that might have posed for anyone who would be seen associated with me.  So when I was interviewed in the airport by immigration officers, I identified myself both as an artist and a professor that was visiting for the purpose of tourism. But despite this, in a very short interview, I was just given the generic reason that I do not meet the qualifications for entry at this time. So I knew from my past experiences that trying to get more nuanced or detailed answers from any of the immigration officers would really be futile. I actually had this feeling that no one that I actually encountered in the immigration office actually had the authority to make the decision about whether I could enter Hong Kong at the time or not. And so I really believe that I’m on a list of people whose access to Hong Kong is restricted, perhaps permanently, I’m not sure.  RFA: What makes you think that? Connors: Part of the reason I think this is just the way they proceeded with the interview process, and it more or less mirrored exactly what happened to me last time. And so when I reached the immigration kiosk and presented my passport, they looked me up in the system. And then they called over immigration officer over to the window and he escorted me back to the immigration officers room and I sat in the waiting area and this was a designated area where I think they bring a lot of travelers that are flagged for further questioning, and I waited there with other travelers but ultimately, they never questioned me in this area, and they escorted me to a separate area, like a secondary interview area. I believe this is the place where they process people who they’ve already decided to refuse entry into Hong Kong. [It was] exactly where I went last time before I was refused entry. A screenshot from photographer Matthew Connors’ personal website. Credit: matthewconnors.com RFA: Do you think there’s anything you can do about your situation? Connors: I don’t know. I want to seek advice about that. You know, the last time I was refused entry, I started discussing it with an immigration lawyer, but that whole process really got derailed by the COVID lockdowns. I don’t know, to be honest. And I think that uncertainty is by design, because, you know, both with this refusal, and the sort of sweeping powers that the National Security Law gives the Hong Kong government they’re sort of instrumentalizing uncertainty in order to make people feel like their freedoms are being restricted. RFA: Did you fear this might happen when you went to Hong Kong? Connors: You know, I did. And I think some people that I consulted before left thought there was there was a higher risk, both because of the National Security Law had been passed, and because I had been denied before, but I think I had my instinct that I essentially, would be okay, that I think the worst case scenario was that I would be turned around again. I don’t have a lot of data or information to back that up. But I think I was just traveling under that assumption. This time, they did a much more rigorous search and my belongings, and then, when they escorted me through the airport, they actually took me through a separate security area and put me on a bus…

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Myanmar military shells Bago region townships, injuring 8 civilians

Editor03 mins

Junta heavy artillery attacks on two townships in central Myanmar’s Bago region have injured eight people, including a child, according to the Karen National Union. The political group which represents ethnic Karen issued a statement Monday, saying a four-year-old child and three women were hurt by shells in Kyauktaga township the previous day. Troops stationed near the township fired four shells at Ka Nyin Kyoe village, injuring four-year-old May Myat Noe Wai, 66-year-old San Htay, 52-year-old San San and 45-year-old Pyone Pyone Yi, according to locals who didn’t want to be named for safety reasons. They said San Htay was critically injured and five houses were destroyed in the attack. In another attack on Saturday, a 40-year-old woman and three 25-year-old men were injured when troops stationed in Nyaunglebin township fired three shells at Kyoe Gyi village, according to the KNU. It said seven houses were destroyed by heavy artillery. The majority of ethnic Karen who live in the region are Christian. An artillery attack on Aug. 20 destroyed one of their churches in Kyaukkyi township, the KNU said. The junta has not issued a statement on the shelling. However, its regional spokesperson, Tin Oo, told Radio Free Asia that troops were trying to bring stability to the region because the KNU affiliated Karen National Liberation Army and local People’s Defense Forces had entered some townships in eastern Bago. He said the townships were now under the control of junta troops. Along with heavy artillery attacks, the junta has been carrying out airstrikes in the region. On Aug. 18, planes attacked Kyaukkyi township four times, killing one civilian and injuring four others, the KNU said. Nearly 100,000 residents of eastern Bago have been forced to flee their homes since the February 2021 coup, according to the United Nations. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

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Junta troops snatch villagers from monastery, kill 4

Editor03 mins

Junta troops arrested six civilians who were sheltering in a monastery in Myanmar’s Sagaing region and killed four of them, locals told RFA Monday. They were among 35 people hiding there as junta troops raided Wetlet township’s Kyee Kan (north) village. Locals said troops shelled the village at dawn on Saturday before moving in. One man, who declined to be named for fear of reprisals, said troops released two of the six people they captured. “Four people were killed,” he said. “Among them Shwe Man Thu, who was in her twenties, was raped and killed at a mango farm between Kyee Kan (north) village and Hla Taw village.” RFA has been unable to independently confirm his claim. Pro-military Telegram chat group channels said the column that raided the village killed four members of an anti-junta People’s Defense Force. RFA’s calls to the region’s junta spokesperson, Tin Than Win, went unanswered Monday. Displaced people on the rise Raids on townships in Sagaing region since the Feb. 2021 coup have left more than 800,000 people homeless according to the U.N. In Ye-U township, 100 kilometers (62 miles) north of Wetlet, more than 20,000 people are in need of emergency food and medical supplies according to the information officer from a local militia. Htoo Khant Zaw from the People’s Defense Comrades said that’s how many people have lost their homes in the township since the coup, and are now living in makeshift tents in their villages. “More than 20,000 people affected by the fires are facing a crisis of living and food shortages,” he said. “Although the township humanitarian group and other social groups are helping on the ground, not everyone from the 51 villages has received enough assistance. The main need is food.” He said 3,429 houses were destroyed by junta arson attacks, along with churches, monasteries, shops and other buildings.  Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

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Investigative Journalism Reportika © March 2022 by Ij-Reportika is licensed under CC BY 4.0