Russia grounds plane, arrests North Korean mother and son on the run

Russian authorities grounded a Moscow-bound flight to arrest a North Korean diplomat’s wife and son who went missing from the far eastern city of Vladivostok last month, residents in Russia familiar with the case told Radio Free Asia. RFA reported on June 6 that Russian authorities announced that they were searching for Kim Kum Sun, 43, and Park Kwon Ju, 15, who had last been seen on June 4 leaving the North Korean consulate in Vladivostok. Kim had been working as the acting manager of two North Korean restaurants in the city in place of her husband, considered a diplomat, who traveled to North Korea in 2019 but was unable to return to Russia due to the COVID-19 pandemic. On July 7, the day after the announcement, Kim and Park were arrested after boarding a  Moscow-bound flight departing from the central Russian city of Krasnoyarsk, a resident of Vladivostok, who requested anonymity for personal safety, told RFA’s Korean Service. “Their flight to Moscow departed from Yemelyanovo International Airport located on the outskirts of Krasnoyarsk as normal, but to arrest the mother and the son, the Russian public security authorities forced the plane to return to the airport,” he said. “When the plane landed …, the authorities arrested them.” They would have gotten all the way to Moscow if not for the consulate getting Russian authorities involved, the Vladivostok resident said.  As of Tuesday, Russian media has made no mention of Kim and Park’s arrest. RFA was not able to confirm with Russian authorities that they grounded the flight to arrest the pair. Higher priority? It was also not clear if Kim and Park had been accused of any crimes. But it is standard procedure for the North Korean consulate to fraudulently accuse missing personnel of crimes so that Russian authorities place a higher priority on the case, a Russian citizen of Korean descent from Krasnoyarsk, who requested anonymity for security reasons, told RFA.  “North Korea reports missing people by framing them for crimes,” he said. “So the escapees are in danger of being executed without the protection of the local state and the international community.” But if they were accused criminals, the runaways would not be eligible for international protection, he said.  The Krasnoyarsk resident confirmed that the authorities ordered the plane to return to the airport to arrest Kim and Park. “There has been an increasing number of escape attempts among North Korean trade officials and workers in Russia recently,” he said.  They may have been inspired by other North Koreans who successfully fled, including a computer engineer, a work unit manager, a work site manager, a doctor and a soldier from the General Staff Department of the North Korean military. “The United Nations and the international community must take an active role in helping those who risk their lives to escape from the dictatorship,” the Krasnoyarsk resident said.  “Instead of [arresting them] as demanded by the North Korean authorities and sending them to a place where death awaits them, [Russian authorities] should open the way for them to receive refugee status according to the regulations set by the United Nations.” Translated by Leejin J. Chung. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.

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Myanmar military kills villagers, burns houses in Sagaing region

Junta troops killed eight civilians and burned down more than 600 homes in Myanmar’s Sagaing region in 11 days of raids, locals told RFA Wednesday. Residents of Myinmu township said four people were arrested and killed by troops between July 6 and July 17. “A father and son from Na Be Kyu village, one from Ma Gyi Kan village, and one from Nyaung Myit village, were killed in Ma Gyi Kan village,” said a local, who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals.  “The one from Nyaung Myit village is a People’s Defense Force member.” He identified the PDF member as 20-year-old Aung Zaw Htet. Locals said troops also captured and shot two people from Nyaung Pin Kan village and two more from Khwet Khwin village. The army also burned homes in Mu Mandalay, Gon Hnyin Seik and three other villages. “There are nearly 300 houses in the village. I think there may have been around 100 homes destroyed,” said a Mu Mandalay resident, who also requested anonymity for fear of reprisals.  “The junta column is not far away. So, we had to put out the fire and come back out.” RFA called the junta’s Sagaing region spokesperson, Saw Naing, but nobody answered. On June 6, junta Deputy Information Minister Major Gen. Zaw Min Tun told RFA that junta troops do not set fire to civilians’ homes, blaming People’s Defense Forces for the arson attacks. Locals said the raid on Mu Mandalay and nearby villages forced around 2000 residents to flee their homes. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

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After jailbreak in Myanmar, prison guards sentenced to 3-6 months

A Myanmar junta court handed down sentences of three to six months to seven prison employees, including a warden, after a jailbreak in May in which 10 prisoners overpowered guards, seized their guns and escaped, said three sources with knowledge of the situation.  Ten inmates, including nine fighters with the anti-junta People’s Defense Force, escaped from Taungoo Prison in central Myanmar’s Bago region on May 18 as they were being taken from their cells to a small prison courtroom for their trials. Among them was a woman and two inmates sentenced to death.  The warden, Kyi Oo, officially the deputy director of the town’s prison department, was on Monday given three months in jail, while Than Tun and Tun Tun Oo, the two prison chiefs, Lt. Than Zin Win, Lt. Oo Toe, and staffers Khant Si Thu and Pho Kauk received sentences of six months each, said the sources close to Taungoo Prison.  In addition to being sentenced to jail, they were expected to be fired, said the sources, who declined to be named so they could speak freely. The move comes as the military, which overthrew the democratically elected civilian government in a February 2021 coup d’etat, cracks down on prison staff to ensure they do not help or let political prisoners escape. Nyo Tun, a former political prisoner who was recently released, said the ruling military junta is taking more stringent action against correctional employees to suppress lower-ranking officials. “In the past, I have only seen actions taken against the prison authorities, such as removing them from duty or demoting them in positions,” he told Radio Free Asia. “It’s not like that now [because] they are even being imprisoned.” “By doing so, the junta hopes that the prison authorities and staff in other prisons will be pressured to continue to oppress our political prisoners with stricter rules and stricter methods,” he said. The prison staffers’ trial was held at the Taungoo township courthouse, said one source, though he did not know the specific charges for each. Afterwards, they were taken back to the prison. A person close to the family members of political prisoners serving time in Taungoo Prison also told RFA about the staffers’ sentences. “The warden was accused of having connections to the PDF, and they said they had a lot of proof,” the person said.  “They were also going to be removed from their official positions along with their prison terms,” the source added. Security boosted Since the escape, security at the prison has been tightened, with the installation of new closed-circuit video cameras, watchtowers and outdoor bunkers, the source said, as well as an increase in military forces there. RFA could not reach Naing Win, deputy director general and spokesman of the Prisons Department, for comment. Similar action has been taken against prison staff elsewhere in the country. At Daik-U Prison, also in Bago region, eight prison employees, including Yan Naing Tun, the deputy director, were arrested and have been under investigation since late June on charges of helping political inmates communicate with PDFs, sources close to the detention center said. On July 4, Sgt. Nay Myo Thein and a deputy sergeant who worked at Myingyan Prison in central Myanmar’s Mandalay region were fired and each sentenced to six months in jail for allegedly helping inmates, according to people close to the detention facility. Following the Taungoo jailbreak, authorities interrogated and beat some political prisoners in jails in Myingyan, Daik-U and Tharyarwaddy, killing some and putting others in life-threatening situations, prisoner relatives and sources close to the prisons told RFA in an earlier report. More than 60 such inmates were sentenced to three additional years in prison each on July 6 for their alleged involvement in a riot that took place in Pathein Prison in Ayeyarwady region. In May and June, 15 inmates died of torture during interrogation or for other reasons, including shootings for trying to escape during jail transfer, according to an RFA tally.  The military junta has detained more than 19,500 people, of whom roughly 6,850 have served prison terms, since the February 2021 coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, a rights group based in Thailand. Translated by Myo Min Aung for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

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Conflict in Myanmar’s Kayah state traps hundreds in town

A three-week battle has left six people dead and around 600 civilians trapped in Kayah state’s Ywathit township, local aid groups told RFA Tuesday. Banyar, director of the Karenni Human Rights Organization, told RFA that junta troops detained some villagers in a monastery and wouldn’t let them leave. “According to the list we received, there are more than 1,200 people in Ywathit town,” said Banyar, who goes by one name.  “Because of the battle, more than 600 people were able to flee. “There are still roughly 600 people. No one is allowed to leave the town. Six people were shot dead,” said Banyar, adding that the killings happened on June 27. He said Ywathit had been under junta control since June 27 and the town’s exit roads had been closed.  A member of the aid group told RFA that the victims were killed after being turned back at the Thai border. “A woman was killed. The rest were men from … Hpasaung township and Ywathit township who escaped to the Thai border during the fighting,” said the aid worker, who didn’t want to be named for security reasons. “However, the Thai side rejected them.  Many of them were detained and killed while they were returning. Some people are also missing.” Junta media have not mentioned the three-week battle and Kayah state’s  junta spokesperson Aung Win Oo didn’t return RFA’s calls. The combined Karenni National People’s Liberation Front and Karenni People’s Defense Forces said on June 13 they captured a junta outpost on the Thai border. However, the junta announced on June 27 that the military base had been taken back. According to Banyar, there are about 2,000 people seeking shelter near the border and another 9,000 people who have fled to Thailand as a result of the ongoing conflict. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

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In Myanmar, nearly 2 million people have been displaced by civil war, UN says

Nearly 2 million civilians in Myanmar have been displaced from their homes by the civil war raging in their country, with 40,000 displaced in the past month alone, according to the U.N.’s humanitarian agency, which appealed for food and other supplies. Myanmar has been wracked by violence since the military overthrew the democratically elected government in a Feb. 1, 2021, coup. Junta forces have faced stiff resistance from various ethnic armies that have teamed up with local anti-regime People’s Defense Forces — civilians who have taken up arms to fight the military.  Of the total 1.9 million internally displaced persons, the largest number — nearly 800,000 — are in Myanmar’s northwestern Sagaing region, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA, said in an update on the situation on July 15.     “Countrywide, restrictions on humanitarian access have increased in multiple states and regions, notably in the Southeast and Kachin [state], further impeding timely and efficient aid delivery to affected and displaced communities,” the report said. “Sustained support, including financial assistance, from the international community is crucial to allowing partners to stay and deliver in challenging circumstances,” it said. The humanitarian situation remains urgent as families continue to grapple with the devastating aftermath of Cyclone Mocha, resulting in significant ongoing needs for shelter and food, OCHA said. The tropical cyclone in the North Indian Ocean hit western Myanmar’s Rakhine state and parts of Bangladesh in May. “After a brief suspension, humanitarians have been able to restart their regular programs in Rakhine, but the humanitarian cyclone response remains paused by the SAC,” the report said, referring to the State Administration Council, the ruling junta’s official name. The strictness of junta authorities on humanitarian aid is tightening throughout the country and the situation is worse in the southeast of the country and Kachin state, according to OCHA’s statement. Food shortages worsen Displaced people in Sagaing, Chin and Kayah states complain that food shortages are getting worse as military authorities restrict humanitarian aid access.  A day after OCHA published the figure, military troops raided Sagaing’s Khin-U township, prompting roughly 10,000 residents from about 20 villages to flee to safety.  A resident of the township’s Inn Pat village told Radio Free Asia that the soldiers unexpectedly raided his community at 5 a.m., putting elderly people who could not flee in imminent danger. “It caused a great deal of trouble,” said the person granted anonymity to ensure his safety. “Elderly people and the disabled who couldn’t run, had to remain in the village, hiding in the alleys between houses.” Displaced civilians from Mindat township in western Myanmar’s Chin state hide in the jungle, May 2021. Credit: Citizen journalist Civilians living in villages where military troops and pro-junta Pyu Saw Htee militias have been stationed cannot return to their homes, he added.  More than 50,000 internally displaced people, or IDPs, are  in western Myanmar’s Chin state, according to OCHA’s report. Civilians there also fled their homes because of fighting and face life-threatening challenges on a daily basis because of the junta’s heavy artillery shelling and airstrikes, said a management committee official for the IDP camps in Chin’s Mindat township. “Many people have been injured by the shelling,” said the official who declined to be named for fear of his safety. “The junta planes fly over the area every night. That’s why everyone is panicking and can’t sleep well. It’s a pretty bad situation.” Mounting casualties Three civilians, including a nine-year-old girl and a breastfeeding mother, were killed by an airstrike by junta forces on Mindat’s Wun Khone village on July 8.  A resident of Moebye township in southern Shan state, where junta troops and ethnic Karenni joint forces engaged in fierce clashes, said IDPs are having a hard time getting food because military troops have banned the transportation of rice to the area.  “We can buy only dry food and gasoline in small quantities,” the local said. “The rice transportation routes have been totally blocked by the junta.” Aid and relief groups said 28 civilians were killed during the 40 days of fighting in Moebye from May 25 to July 4. The armed assaults on civilians, forcing them to flee their homes, are a crime against humanity, said Banyar Khun Aung, executive director of the Karenni Human Rights Group. “The junta intentionally planned their attack to force them out of those places that they call home,” he told RFA. “It’s not just in one location. They junta attacked many places using many different strategies to force the local residents to leave their homes.”   RFA could not reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment.  Armed conflicts continue in 255 of 330 townships in Myanmar, according to the latest annual report by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights issued on March 3.  The U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution last Dec. 21, calling for the immediate cessation of violence, the release of all political prisoners, including State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, and the unrestricted flow of humanitarian aid in Myanmar.  Translated by Myo Min Aung for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

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Junta blames ‘terrorist drones’ for Sagaing bombing

A bomb blast in Myanmar’s Sagaing region injured eight locals, junta-backed messaging channels reported Monday. Pro-military Telegram groups said “terrorist drones” attacked a market in Shwebo township on Sunday morning. They said three children were among the injured. They said an eight-year-old girl was severely injured after bomb fragments hit her in the neck. But a local, who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals, told RFA junta troops fired heavy artillery at the market. “There is U Aung Zeya Palace to the west of Shwebo Market. Kha Ma Ya-42 Battalion was stationed there. They opened fire,” said the local. “One shell exploded outside the market; the other exploded in the market stall of a greengrocer. “Two people were hit in the waist and chest. They were sent to Mandalay Hospital,” the local said, adding that those with minor injuries were taken to Shwebo’s public hospital. Locals said that the market had been temporarily closed and junta troops were searching the neighborhood. RFA could not confirm either of the reports and Sagaing region’s junta spokesperson, Saw Naing, did not return calls on Monday. Motorcycle bomb In another attack Saturday, 12 Shan state residents were injured by a bomb blast outside a jewelry store in Lashio’s township’s market. A local, who also requested anonymity, said the bomb was planted in a motorbike outside the Zwe Htet store. “Of the 12 people injured, 11 are jewelry store employees,” the resident said. “Among them, two men and two women were seriously injured.” Residents say aid groups took the injured to the local hospital. They said many stores in the market are closed as the junta has stepped up security in Lashio. Debris outside the Zwe Htet jewelry store, Lashio township, Shan state, where a motorcycle bomb exploded on July 15, 2023. Credit: Citizen journalist In April a bomb went off near a water festival pavilion in Lashio, killing four people and injuring 11 after People’s Defense Forces warned people not to take part in Water Festival celebrations sponsored by the junta. Nobody has claimed responsibility for Saturday’s blast. Junta-media was silent on the bombing and Shan state junta spokesperson, Khun Thein Maung, didn’t return RFA’s calls. Junta leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing said on July 13 that there had been 489 explosions nationwide since the start of this year, resulting in 782 fatalities. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

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Deep-sea mining has long-lasting impact on marine ecosystems, research shows

A deep-sea mining test that lasted only two hours might have decreased fish and shrimp populations in the surrounding vicinity significantly even after a year, research in Japan showed. Deep-sea mining is the extraction of valuable minerals from the ocean below 200 meters (650 feet), potentially impacting fragile ecosystems.  Lately, it has become a contentious issue, as several countries and companies have joined the global race to mine resources including cobalt, copper, and manganese amid increasing demand for renewable energy and consumer electronics. The research was based on an investigation into the environmental impact of Japan’s first successful test in 2020 to extract cobalt crusts from the top of Takuyo-Daigo deep-sea mountains, in the northwest Pacific Ocean, to mine cobalt, a vital mineral in electric vehicle batteries. The data, examined by the researchers one month before and after, as well as a year following the experiment conducted at the site, showed that the mined areas became less habitable for ocean animals and created a plume of sediment that spread through the surrounding water, according to the study published Friday in the Current Biology journal. One year after the mining test, researchers observed a 43% drop in fish and shrimp density in the areas directly impacted by sediment pollution, a statement accompanying the study said. They also noted a 56% drop in the fish and shrimp density of surrounding areas, adding the research team thinks it could be due to the mining test contaminating fish food sources. “’Enough to shift things’ Even a brief two-hour test could have long-lasting consequences on the marine life in a particular area, the research said, adding further study is needed. “I had assumed we wouldn’t see any changes because the mining test was so small,” said the study’s first author Travis Washburn, a marine ecologist who works closely with the Geological Survey of Japan.  “They drove the machine for two hours, and the sediment plume only traveled a few hundred meters. But it was actually enough to shift things.” A Greenpeace activist holds a sign as he confronts the deep sea mining vessel Hidden Gem, commissioned by Canadian miner The Metals Company, as it returned to port from eight weeks of test mining, off the coast of Manzanillo, Mexico, Nov. 16, 2022. Credit: Reuters. The study concluded that “although highly mobile swimmers likely simply leave the area, resulting in little loss of biodiversity, this may not be possible if multiple mining operations occur at similar times resulting in a very large, cumulative deep-sea mining areal footprint.”  Experts say seabed ecosystems are not yet fully explored, so the impact of deep-sea mining on marine ecosystems is unknown. Friday’s research authors said they would need to repeat the study several times to understand better how deep-sea mining impacts the ocean floor.  They said that multiple years of data should be collected before a mining test occurs to account for any natural variation in ocean animal communities. “These data are really important to get out,” Washburn said in the statement. “A set of regulations is supposed to be finalized soon, so a lot of these decisions are happening now.” “We’ll have to look at this issue on a wider scale, because these results suggest the impact of deep-sea mining could be even bigger than we think.” Lasting impact James J. Bell, a professor at the Victoria University of Wellington in New Zealand who was not involved in the study, said the “results demonstrate just how susceptible the marine communities associated with seamounts might be to the impacts of mining and that these impacts could be long-lasting.” “Importantly, this study also shows that even very small-scale mining activity can have lasting impacts. Until we have a full understanding of what the impact of mining is on these ecosystems, we should take a very cautious approach,” Bell said, especially given that seabed mining is being considered by many states worldwide. Commercial deep-sea mining has not yet begun, though exploratory licenses have already been granted by the United-Nations-backed regulator International Seabed Authority, or the ISA, which has authority over seafloor resources outside a given country’s jurisdiction. It has yet to finalize a set of deep-sea mining regulations. The ISA started global discussions in Jamaica on Monday to possibly adopt mining regulations, with talks expected to continue until the end of July. Many countries, the seafood industry, marine conservancy groups, and scientists have called for a “pause” to proceed in developing regulations and complete them before granting any licenses to mine seabed thousands of feet under the ocean’s surface.  Kat Bolstad, an associate professor at the Auckland University of Technology, said deep-sea mining could be “catastrophically destructive to the immediate seafloor, and producing noise, vibrations, clouds of sediment, and other impacts that we cannot yet fully predict.” “The effects of large-scale deep-sea mining are likely to be substantial, longer lasting, and more complex than we can anticipate,” she said. “There is widespread scientific agreement: We need a far greater understanding of deep-sea ecosystems before we can make responsible decisions.” Edited by Malcolm Foster.

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Facing abuse, teenage Uyghur girls are forced to work in a Xinjiang garment factory

About 90 Uyghur teenage girls are locked up in a Chinese-run garment factory in Xinjiang, where they are forced to toil 14 hours a day, seven days a week, and routinely face verbal and physical abuse, an investigation by Radio Free Asia has found. The Wanhe Garment Co. Ltd. in Maralbeshi county has a secret agreement with the nearby Yarkant 2nd Vocational High School under which female students aged 16 to 18 are sent to work at the factory against their will, according to four sources, including a village chief and the factory’s security chief, all of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to speak freely. Local authorities have pressured parents not to object to sending their children to work at the factory, said the village chief, a woman who was responsible for coaxing the parents to let the girls go. Workers at the plant, which also employs about a dozen women in their 30s and 40s as well as some men, are prevented from leaving. They sleep in dormitories on the factory compound. Most are Uyghurs, but about 15 are Chinese who came from elsewhere to work. The girls are kept in line by a middle-aged Uyghur woman named Tursungul Memtimin – called “teacher” by the workers – who regularly insults and criticizes them, and sometimes hits them with a bat, said the village official. “The ‘teacher’ is known to have a very bad temper. She physically assaults the workers using a bat as a means of inflicting harm,” she said. “The workers live in fear of her, and due to this intimidating environment, no one dares to make an escape,” the official told RFA. Forced labor in supply chains The revelation comes amid mounting evidence of Uyghur forced labor in Xinjiang and allegations that forced labor is used in the supply chains of major companies.  Inditex, owner of the Zara clothing chain, and Uniqlo parent Fast Retailing, as well as carmakers Volkswagen, Mercedes-Benz and BMW have all come under increased scrutiny to ensure that they aren’t using Uyghur forced labor. In the United States, the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, signed into law in December 2021, requires American companies that import goods from Xinjiang to prove that they have not been manufactured with Uyghur forced labor at any stage of production.   Repeated requests by RFA to Wanhe factory officials for an interview have been ignored. A Uyghur woman drives a scooter past a billboard showing China’s President Xi Jinping joining hands with a group of Uyghur elders at the Unity New Village in Hotan, northwestern China’s Xinjiang region, Sept. 20, 2018. Credit: Andy Wong/AP Despite the intense security around the factory, some workers have managed to escape – but not for long. Last April, during the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan, four girls slipped out of the compound and returned to their families in the village of Charibagh in Yarkant county, the village chief and factory security guard said. Within a few days, Memtimin and some other factory officials went to the village to forcibly bring the girls back. They threatened to send their parents to “re-education” camps if they didn’t turn over their daughters, the village official said. The village chief said she proposed to Memtimin that the girls work at a larger factory in Charibagh, but the manager refused. “So we packed their belongings and took them to the train station,” she told RFA. “Their parents were scared that Tursungul would send them for re-education, so they handed over their daughters.” Once back inside the factory, the girls underwent “criticism and education,” the security chief said. Long hours, meager pay The garment factory employs residents who mostly hail from Maralbeshi, or Bachu in Chinese, in Kashgar province, the largest cotton-producing county in Xinjiang.  Ranging in age from 16 to 45, the workers toil from 7 a.m. to 11 p.m. in three shifts, with hour-long breaks for lunch and dinner, the security chief said. They are paid monthly salaries of roughly 300 yuan (US$42) or 400 yuan (US$56) at best, the guard and village chief said. “The government forcefully brought those workers to the factory to work, and they could not leave the factory of their own will,” said the guard. A Chinese husband-and-wife team oversees the factory, and gives orders to Memtimin and to the security chief, who jointly manage the workers, the village chief said. Secret agreement The village official said that about 90 students were first transferred from Yarkant 2nd Vocational High School – for students ages 15 to 18 – to the factory in February 2017 based on a private contract. She said she saw a contract that was signed by Wanhe officials and the school’s two principals, surnamed Qurbanjan and Abdurusul. Neither the workers nor their families were aware of the agreement’s content, she said. “Tursungul Memtimin speaks Chinese, so the Vocational High School invited her to work for them. She does not teach at the school, but she manages the workers at the factory,” the village official said.  “Her monthly salary is 6,500 yuan (US$910). The school gives her 3,000 yuan, and the factory gives her 3,500 yuan,” she said.  “I saw the signatures of Qurbanjan and Abdurusul on the contract,” she said. “They are the presidents of the 2nd Vocational High School.” Attempts to reach school administrators were unsuccessful.  But two officials at the Yarkant County Education Bureau described the contract’s content as “a state secret,” and that they were aware of the workers’ situation. “I know the contract between the Vocational High School and Wanhe clothes factory,” said the education bureau chief, insisting he not be named for security purposes. “But it is considered a state secret, so we cannot say anything about it hastily.” The factory security guard also confirmed the existence of a secret contract. “The workers complained about Tursungul because she has a terrible mouth and curses them,” he said. “We cannot say Tursungul has a right to condemn and beat the workers, but she…

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Hun Sen deletes Twitter post linking Thai election to Cambodian opposition

Prime Minister Hun Sen has removed a Twitter post that attempted to connect the Cambodian opposition to a Thai politician’s failure this week to win enough parliamentary votes to become the country’s next prime minister. Pita Limjaroenrat and his Move Forward Party fell short of the 375 votes needed to clinch power in an initial round of voting on Thursday. Hun Sen tweeted that Pita’s setback was also “a major failure” to Cambodia’s exiled opposition activists. He was most likely referring to Sam Rainsy, the former head of the now-disbanded opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party who fled to France in 2015. “These traitors always expected that when Pita becomes the prime minister of Thailand, they would use Thai territory to do a campaign against the Royal Government of Cambodia,” Hun Sen wrote in the tweet. “Now the expectations of the brute opposition group have vanished like salt in water,” he said. In May, Sam Rainsy told Radio Free Asia that if a new pro-democracy Thai government is formed, he would look into traveling to Cambodia through neighboring Thailand.  Thailand’s progressive Move Forward Party was the top vote getter in the May 14 general election. It heads a pro-democracy coalition trying to unseat an administration with deep military ties that has ruled Thailand for almost a decade. Hun Sen has asked Thailand to arrest Sam Rainsy if he travels there. Last month, he publicly threatened to attack Sam Rainsy with a rocket launcher if he led workers from Thailand into Cambodia.  “Do not do politics that depend on somebody else,” the prime minister wrote in Thursday’s deleted tweet. “This is my goodwill message for the extremist groups.” Move Forward Party leader and Thailand prime ministerial candidate Pita Limjaroenrat speaks to the media in Thai Parliament after the parliamentary vote for the premiership in Bangkok on July 13, 2023. Credit: Lillian Suwanrumpha/AFP Online reaction After it drew angry online comments, Hun Sen removed the post from Twitter. “Absolutely ludicrous,” wrote Phil Robertson, Human Rights Watch’s deputy Asia director.  Thai journalist Pravit Rojanaphruk tweeted that the 70-year-old Hun Sen is “a political dinosaur comfortable in the company of dictators.” “When he looks at Pita, he sees the [political] liberalization & reform he fears might some day come to Cambodia,” he wrote. Hun Sen posted another message on both Twitter and Telegram on Friday, writing that he doesn’t oppose Pita’s candidacy for prime minister.  “I respect the decision of the Thai people and I will not interfere in the internal affairs of Thailand,” he wrote. “I am ready to work with Thailand’s leader, regardless of who or which party.” He added that Cambodian opposition activists should stop using Pita’s name – “who does not know he is being used” – to oppose the Cambodian government. Finland-based political commentator Kim Sok said the first message made it seem like Hun Sen doesn’t understand diplomacy and politics, even though he served as Cambodia’s foreign minister during the 1980s. “Normally, a leader of a country uses good words and avoids bad words to other countries’ politicians, especially those who win the election,” he said in an interview with Radio Free Asia on Friday. Translated by Chandara Yang. Edited by Matt Reed.

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