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Ethnic armies’ ‘Operation 1027’ put Myanmar junta on defensive in 2023

Myanmar’s ethnic armed organizations and other resistance groups made significant gains against the country’s military dictatorship in 2023. “Operation 1027,” launched by the Three Brotherhood Alliance in northern Shan state in October, was a surprising success. Along with the efforts of local People’s Defense Forces, or PDFs, and ethnic armed groups in Kayah, Kayin, Chin, and Kachin states, anti-junta forces put the ruling military junta on the defensive.  The junta lost hundreds of outposts as rebel forces captured towns and several key border crossings in November and December, suggesting the tide could be turning in the country’s civil war that erupted after the military overthrew a democratically elected government in a February 2021 coup d’etat “The military council suffered great losses in 2023, while the people’s revolution has stepped forward gradually,” said Kyaw Zaw, spokesman for the shadow National Unity Government, or NUG. “It is the victory of the people.” The number of junta troops surrendering to resistance forces increased after Operation 1027 began.    People’s Liberation Army forces from China fight Myanmar junta army troops near northwestern Myanmar’s Sagaing region, Nov. 23, 2023. (Reuters)     On Oct. 30, more than 40 members of Light Infantry Battalion 143 in Kunlong township, northern Shan state, surrendered to the Three Brotherhood Alliance, which includes the Arakan Army, Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army. A day later, the military junta’s 15 local militia members laid down their weapons and turned over their arms and ammunition. Reports of junta units submitting to resistance forces have continued over the last two months. “Many have contacted us to surrender,” said Maung Maung Swe, spokesman for the NUG’s Ministry of Defense. “If we can have more collaborative fights, the military council will soon topple.” Junta troops have lost motivation and confidence in their fighting ability because of Operation 1027, political observer Than Soe Naing said.  “They have realized they should not sacrifice their lives for corrupt senior military officials,” he said. “They will surrender if they are defeated, and will flee from the military if they have an opportunity. It’s become a common idea among soldiers.” We were unable to reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment about junta forces surrendering.  Local administrations Ethnic armies and officials from the NUG, which is mostly made up of former civilian government leaders, have been setting up interim administrative bodies in areas they control.  In other areas of the country, resistance leaders have started to think about what Myanmar would look like if the junta was defeated.  In Sagaing region, a hotbed of resistance to military rule that saw a resurgence of anti-junta protests in 2023, more than 170 resistance forces held a forum on May 30-31 to discuss the armed revolt and local administration.   Ta’ang National Liberation Army troops prepare to launch a drone during their attack on a Myanmar junta military camp in Namhsan township in Myanmar’s northern Shan state, Dec. 12, 2023. (AFP)      “The forum was held to continue the revolution collaboratively as it has been for more than two years,” Sagaing Forum spokesman Chaw Su San said. “It also aims to forge more cooperation among anti-military dictatorship forces in Sagaing region.” On Nov. 17, democratically elected representatives from Sagaing, Tanintharyi and Magway regions convened regional parliaments and approved a preparatory bill for an interim constitution, supported by the dissolved National League for Democracy. But revolutionary groups objected to the measure, saying they wanted to ensure equal rights for negotiation, participation and collective leadership by all resistance groups, said Soe Win Swe, another Sagaing Forum spokesman. “We concluded that the recent approval was intended just for the interest of a single organization, so we objected to it,” he said. “The Sagaing Forum firmly stands on collective leadership.” Draft constitutions In western Myanmar, armed ethnic Chin groups have also gone on the offensive since October. “Our resistance forces could capture only four or five military outposts in the past two and half years,” said Salai Timmy, the secretary of the Chinland Joint Defense Committee.  “However, after launching Operation 1027, we controlled about nine outposts,” he said. “Meanwhile, the military troops abandoned about 12 camps.” The Chin National Front, an ethnic Chin political organization whose armed wing has battled junta forces, along with local administration organizations, established Chinland — Chin state’s new name – following the approval of a new constitution on Dec. 6. The Chinland Council, the new governing body, will form a legislature, an administration and a judiciary branch within 60 days, said Salai Htet Ni, first joint secretary of the council.    Members of the Myanmar Army’s Light Infantry Battalion 129 surrender to the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army in northern Shan state, Nov. 12, 2023. (Three Brotherhood Alliance)      In eastern Myanmar, ethnic Karenni forces launched Operation 11.11 — their own version of Operation 1027 — in November, seizing at least nine military outposts in Kayah state, said Khun Bedu, chairman of the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force. “The junta soldiers abandoned their camps,” he said. “We are moving on to capture more outposts.” Resistance forces in Kayah state set up an Interim Executive Council, or IEC, on June 12, putting in place local administrations at village, village-tract and township levels, IEC General Secretary Khu Plue Reh said. NUG is working with the IEC without intervening in administrative procedures, he said. “We also work together to provide public services especially in education, health care and humanitarian assistance,” he said. With its own public support, the establishment of the IEC could be an initial step toward the establishment of a federal union in Myanmar — a long-running goal of ethnic political organizations and their respective ethnic armies. In adjacent Kayin state, the Karen National Union, or KNU, battled junta troops, while providing training to local PDFs.  The KNU’s Karen National Liberation Army and PDF forces took control of Mon township in early December — the first town captured in Bago region. Resistance forces…

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Relatives say imprisoned Vietnamese journalist’s health declining

A Vietnamese journalist who is serving an 11-year prison sentence told family members that his health has declined to the point that he can no longer consume food without vomiting, a relative told Radio Free Asia. Le Huu Minh Tuan, a member of the Vietnam Independent Journalists’ Association, was arrested in 2020 on a charge of “conducting propaganda against the state.” He’s now serving an 11-year term at Xuyen Moc Prison in southern Vietnam’s Ba Ria-Vung Tau province. Tuan, 34, said during a visit on Tuesday that “he is too weak to bear any more” and that he “cannot hold on” much longer, according to the relative, who wished to remain anonymous. Tuan has had digestive issues since late last year and has been diagnosed with ulcerative colitis and hepatitis by a medical officer at the prison. He contracted scabies in mid-2023, and that has now spread to his whole body, according to the relative.   Although his family has sent medication several times, he has not been allowed to receive them and can only take medicine provided by the prison, the relative said.  Tuan received a cursory examination at a local hospital in November, according to the relative.  On Tuesday, family members could only see Tuan through a thick glass partition and were allowed to talk to him only via telephone. He was able to walk by himself but moved slowly.  “He has only bone and skin left now, very pale. He could not consume anything because his body could not digest food. He just drank milk and thin porridge,” the relative said. ‘His life quite clearly depends on it’ Tuan is a former editor of the Vietnam Times online newspaper and a member of the Vietnam Independent Journalists’ Association, which fought for press freedom in Vietnam but was not recognized by the Communist-led government. Tuan was prosecuted alongside Pham Chi Dung, the association’s president, and Nguyen Tuong Thuy, a blogger for RFA and the association’s vice president. Dung was given a 15-year prison term, while Thuy was sentenced to 11 years. Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, called on the government to immediately release Tuan. “Since Vietnam’s prisons provide virtually no health services to start with, Le Huu Minh Tuan should be immediately and unconditionally released so that his family can get him the support and medical care that he urgently needs,” he told RFA. “There should be no excuses, his life quite clearly depends on it.” Many international organizations, including Amnesty International, have criticized Vietnam for its inhumane treatment of prisoners of conscience and for holding them in harsh conditions with malnutrition and poor medical care. Family members have sent an urgent petition to the Ministry of Public Security’s Department of Prison Management and to Xuyen Moc Prison with a request to give Tuan proper treatment and a thorough examination at a hospital. RFA’s calls to Xuyen Moc Prison and Ba Ria-Vung Tau Provincial People’s Procuracy to verify information went unanswered. Translated by Anna Vu for RFA Vietnamese. Edited by Matt Reed and Roseanne Gerin.

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Junta raid kills 10 Rohingyas, injures 17 in Myanmar’s Rakhine state

Ten Rohingyas were killed and another 17 injured in the Buthidaung and Mrauk-U townships in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, as a result of airstrikes by the junta on Thursday, local residents told RFA Burmese on Friday. At around 9 p.m. on Thursday night, heavy artillery fired from a junta camp struck Zay Di Taung village in Buthidaung township. The attack resulted in the loss of six family members, including three Rohingya children who were at home asleep, and left another member of the family critically injured, according to the residents. The casualties included Zafaul, a 60-year-old man; Ansaula, a 19-year-old man; Sotyod Ahmed, a 5-year-old boy; Norol Ahmed, a 3-year-old boy; Halayar, an 11-year-old boy; and Tausmi Nara, a 20-year-old woman. “Three heavy weapons fell into the village on Thursday night. One [of three] fell directly on the houses. All six members of the family who were sleeping in the house died and it was also burned down,” a Rohingya resident of Zay Di Taung village, who wished to remain anonymous for his security reasons, told RFA Burmese Friday.  “So the bodies were also burnt. The other one was injured while trying to evacuate,” said the resident, adding that the heavy artillery was fired by the junta camp at Thone Se Ta Bon Zay Di hill in Buthidaung township. Rohingyas are fleeing due to battles in Mrauk-U’s Myaung Bway village on Dec. 28. (AK/Citizen journalist) Locals said that there are more than 60 households with more than 300 population in the Rohingya-dominant Zay Di Taung village.  Despite the pervasive fear among villagers caused by the casualties from the conflict, Rohingya Muslims remain restricted from moving freely, even within Rakhine state. Consequently, they are compelled to stay in their village, lacking any refuge to flee to in times of danger. Zay Di Taung village is not alone. Four Rohingya were killed and 16 others were injured in junta’s Thursday airstrikes on Rohingya villages, including Kaing Taw, Bu Ta Lone and Baung Dut villages in Mrauk-U township, according to the locals. The junta raid came after anti-junta force Arakan Army (AA) attacked the Myaung Bway, also known as Myaung Bway Chay, Police Station in Mrauk-U township on Thursday, a resident, who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, told RFA Burmese on Friday.  “The AA attacked the Myaung Bway Police Station on Thursday. Then the junta army attacked with heavy artillery and airstrikes, causing casualties when the nearby villages were also shot. The homes were also burned down. The junta opened fire from the side of Mrauk-U and Minbya, and shot them with jets,” the resident said.  The AA claimed on Thursday that the junta attacks were “deliberately” carried out.  The junta said in a Friday statement that no air strike had been carried out on Mrauk-U’s Myaung Bway village and surrounding area on Thursady.  It also claimed that when the AA used the drone to attack the Myaung Bway police station from a distance, the junta security forces used anti-drone weapons, or jammers, which made drone bombs fall near the surrounding villages. The statement made no mention of the death of Rohingyas in Buthidaung township’s Zay Di Taung village. Rohingyas are fleeing due to battles in Mrauk-U’s Myaung Bway village on Dec. 28. (AK/Citizen journalist) Based on records gathered by RFA, 40 civilians lost their lives and over a hundred were wounded during the clashes between the AA and the military junta, which reignited for over a month from Nov. 13 to Dec. 29. Following the military clearance operations and assaults in 2017, over 700,000 Rohingyas from Northern Rakhine sought refuge in Bangladesh. Presently, over a million Rohingyas are residing in refugee camps along the Bangladesh border, as reported by the United Nations and various international organizations. It is said that about 1.4 million Rohingyas still remain in Myanmar’s Rakhine state, and these Rohingyas are enduring food scarcity and severe limitations in Myanmar, while also grappling with criminal activities and gang violence in refugee camps in Bangladesh. Consequently, they are taking perilous sea journeys to reach Indonesia or Malaysia. Since last November, over 1,500 Rohingyas have reached Indonesia’s Aceh province by boat. Indonesian President Joko Widodo has pledged temporary aid for these Rohingya refugees, yet there is resistance from the local population. This situation has raised alarms among human rights groups. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Taejun Kang and Elaine Chan.

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Disinformation campaign spurred student attack on Rohingya shelter, Indonesian activists say

Human rights activists and some observers on Thursday alleged that university students who stormed a Rohingya shelter in Aceh province the day before had been influenced by an “organized” disinformation campaign, which some even linked to the upcoming general election.  Their comments came amid a flood of condemnation of the “inhumane” incident, which resulted in the students forcing the 137 terrified refugees in Banda Aceh, mostly women and children, into trucks to another location. The Rohingya will now be guarded by security forces, a top minister said Thursday. Observers noted that the mob action on Wednesday – which was captured on video and widely circulated – was not typical of student protests in Aceh.  Hendra Saputra, the project coordinator of Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) Indonesia, an NGO in Aceh, said he suspected that Wednesday’s incident was not spontaneous, but “organized and systematic.” He told BenarNews that the students were influenced by social media posts that spread hate and misinformation about the Rohingya. “[The posts] also accused the refugees of taking their food and land, and of sexual harassment and other bad behavior. But these are all false accusations,” he said, adding that no evidence was presented to substantiate the claims.  Besides, the refugees couldn’t be a burden because the government is not spending money on them, Hendra said. “There’s no government budget allocated for refugee management,” he said. A Rohingya woman reacts as she is relocated from her temporary shelter following a protest demanding the deportation of the refugees, Banda Aceh, Aceh province, Indonesia, Dec. 27, 2023. [Riska Munawarah/Reuters] Aceh, a predominantly Muslim province that has special autonomy status in Indonesia, has a history of welcoming the Rohingya refugees, who are also Muslim.  However, as more than 1,500 Rohingya have arrived since mid-November, the province’s villagers have been demanding they be sent back, claiming there weren’t enough resources for the refugees as well. Those demands grew to small protests, which on Wednesday escalated to the student mob charging into the Rohingya shelter, kicking their belongings and creating mayhem, as many of the refugees sobbed uncontrollably or looked on, frightened and shocked. The government will move the 137 Rohingya refugees to the local Indonesian Red Cross headquarters and the Aceh Foundation building, said Mohammad Mahfud MD, the coordinating minister for political, legal, and security affairs. “I have instructed security forces to protect the refugees because this is a humanitarian issue,” Mahfud told journalists in Sidoarjo, East Java. Newly arrived Rohingya refugees return to a boat after the local community decided to temporarily allow them to land for water and food, having earlier rejected them, Ulee Madon, Aceh province, Indonesia, Nov. 16, 2023. [Amanda Jufrian/AFP] Some analysts have attributed the hostility towards the Rohingya to deliberate misinformation. Chairul Fahmi, a Rohingya researcher and law lecturer at Ar-Raniry State Islamic University in Banda Aceh, said some of this disinformation could be linked to political actors who have an interest in exploiting the refugee issue for their own agenda. “The authorities might have had a hand in the Rohingya disinformation campaign. The protest yesterday did not reflect the typical student movement,” he told BenarNews. “There is a possibility that the students were instructed.” Political parties or groups could try to stir up anti-Rohingya sentiment ahead of the general election in February, suggested Ahmad Humam Hamid, a sociologist at Syiah Kuala University in Banda Aceh. “Aceh should not be used as a battleground for the presidential election over the Rohingya matter. It would be very dangerous,” Ahmad told BenarNews. Meanwhile, Defense Minister Prabowo Subianto, the frontrunner in the Feb. 14 presidential election, was in Aceh on Thursday, and spoke about the Rohingya. He said that while Indonesia should be humanitarian towards the stateless Rohingya, it should also prioritize the welfare of its own people. “Many of our people are struggling, and it is unfair to take in all the refugees as our responsibility, even if we feel humanitarian and sympathetic,” Prabowo said, according to local media. Newly arrived Rohingya refugees wait to board trucks to transfer to a temporary shelter after villagers rejected their relocated camp, in Banda Aceh, Aceh province, Indonesia, Dec. 27, 2023. [Chaideer Mahyuddin/AFP] Della Masnida, 20, a student at Abulyatama University who took part in Wednesday’s incident at the shelter, accused Rohingya refugees of making “unreasonable demands.” “They came here uninvited, but they act like this is their country. We don’t think that’s fair,” she told reporters on Wednesday. The student mob collectively issued a statement saying they rejected the Rohingya “because they have disrupted society.”  “We all know that President Joko Widodo has stated that there is a strong suspicion of criminal acts of trafficking among them. Even the Aceh police have said that this is an international crime,” they said in the statement issued Wednesday. The Rohingya are a persecuted Muslim minority from Myanmar, who have been fleeing violence and oppression in their homeland for years. Close to one million live in crowded camps in Bangladesh. With few options after years of a stateless existence, many Rohingya are desperate to leave and that makes them susceptible to exploitation by human traffickers, analysts have said. Gateway to Malaysia Most of the Rohingya who arrived in Aceh recently had left violent and crowded refugee camps in Myanmar’s neighbor, Bangladesh, where 740,000 of them took shelter after a brutal crackdown by the Burmese military in 2017. For the Rohingya, Indonesia is a gateway to Malaysia, which is a top destination for migrant workers from many South Asian and Southeast Asian nations. The Indonesian government, which has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, has said that it does not have the obligation or the capacity to accommodate the Rohingya refugees permanently, and that its priority is to resettle them in a third country. Earlier this month, government officials complained they were overwhelmed and Indonesia was alone in bearing the burden of the Rohingya. Mitra Salima Suryono, spokeswoman for the U.N. refugee agency UNHCR in Indonesia, believes nothing could be further from the truth, and cited…

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Burmese city hit by huge job losses amid Chinese factory closures in Dec.

About 3,000 workers were left unemployed and without full compensation following the ongoing shutdowns of Chinese garment factories in December in Pathein, Ayeyarwady region of Myanmar, according to workers on Wednesday.  Since the first week of December, the three factories – Haubo Times, He Shan, and North Shore – have been shut down, and it’s planned that some of the remaining employees will be laid off by the end of the month, a women from Haubo Times who was laid off told RFA Burmese.  “Hubo Times was closed this December. They [the factory officials] pay workers for four to six days of their work (in the first week of the month). After that, there are only a few workers left until Dec. 20,” said the woman, adding that some sections of the factory are still operational, but workers there were also asked to work only until the end of December.  Labor activists close to the matter said the closure was due to the lack of power supply, difficulties in purchasing fuel for generators to run the factory, a lack of demand and raw materials shortage. The activists noted that while the affected workers did receive compensation equivalent to three months’ salary from the factories, they have not been given overtime pay and social security benefits by their employers that are provided by the junta council’s Ministry of Labor. An activist in Pathein township, preferring anonymity due to fear of repercussions, highlighted that the compensation process was handled unjustly, disproportionately impacting workers with longer tenures. “Workers with longer tenures should receive more compensation based on the labor law. They expect that too. It’s demoralizing and disappointing for them when the company does not abide by this law,” the activist told RFA Burmese.  The three garment factories as well as Aung Thein Win, the junta council spokesman for Ayeyarwady region and a regional minister for social affairs, have not responded to RFA’s inquiries as of this writing. There were about 15 garment factories in Pathein before the military coup, but now more than half of them have been closed, a local resident told RFA Burmese.  Pathein is not alone. The garment industry in the Yangon Industrial Zone also suffered rising raw material prices, difficulty securing the materials and extreme power outages among other issues. As of August, there were 817 factories in the whole country that are members of Myanmar Garment Manufacturers Association, or MGMA, according to the association. Among them 546 were up and running, while 271 were reportedly closed down, it said. Of these 546 operational, 311 were China-owned factories. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Taejun Kang and Elaine Chan.

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Candlelight Party tries to win over Nation Power Party

The Candlelight Party is urging the new Nation Power Party to join forces with it to form a stronger opposition alliance to the ruling Cambodian People’s Party ahead of Senate elections in February, a former Candlelight official said Wednesday. Rong Chhun, former Candlelight Party vice president who now serves as an advisor to the Nation Power Party, told RFA that leaders from both parties held informal talks in the name of democracy to discuss the strategy for upcoming Senate election on Feb 25.  Rong Chhun and Chea Mony, a prominent former union leader, left the Candlelight Party to form the Nation Power Party after Candlelight’s candidates were excluded from participating in the July general election by the National Election Committee. The committee did not recognize the party because it couldn’t produce an original registration form issued by the Interior Ministry. As a result, the Cambodian People’s Party won 120 of 125 seats in the National Assembly.  Efforts by Candlelight leaders to regain official status in recent months have failed, prompting them to seek out smaller parties certified by the ministry.  Though there have been no official discussions between the Candlelight and Nation Power parties, the latter is ready to make concessions so that they will have to allocate their candidates to stand for specific constituencies and electoral regions without having to compete with each other, Rong Chhun said.  “As for now, I cannot confirm that there will be any specific concessions, but there should be mutual concessions and win-win solutions,” he said.   RFA was unable to reach Ly Sothearayut, secretary general of the Candlelight Party, for comment. Kimsuor Phirith, former Candlelight Party spokesman who currently serves as a member of the Khmer Will Party, said he was not aware of any informal talks between Candlelight and the Nation Power Party, but he urged the latter to join the opposition “Alliance Toward the Future.” The Candlelight Party said in October that it would join forces with three smaller parties — the Khmer Will Party, Grassroots Democratic Party and Cambodia Reform Party — to form a political alliance that would aim to field candidates in the 2027 local commune elections and the 2028 general election.  So far, the National Election Committee has officially registered the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, Khmer Will Party, Nation Power Party, and the royalist Funcinpec Party, to run in the upcoming Senate elections in which 58 of the body’s 62 seats are up for grabs.  Cambodia’s Constitution allows King Norodom Sihamoni to nominate two senators and the National Assembly to nominate another two.  Both the Khmer Will Party and the Nation Power Party have registered candidates for all the eight Senate constituency regions nationwide, representing the 58 seats.  Sam Kuntheamy, president of the Neutral and Impartial Committee for Free and Fair Elections, said if the Nation Power and Candlelight parties failed to work together, their votes would be divided in the upcoming election because most opposition voters, who are commune councilors, are Candlelight Party members.  Translated by Sovannarith Keo for RFA Khmer. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

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Junta attack kills 8 civilians, injures 25 in Myanmar’s Laukkaing city

Junta’s recent deployment of heavy weaponry in Laukkaing, a city within the Kokang Self-Administered Zone in Myanmar’s Shan State, has resulted in the death of eight civilians and left 25 others injured, according to the anti-junta Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) on Tuesday.  The MNDAA said in a statement that the military junta’s two heavy weapons landed near the Crown hotel in Dong Cheng neighborhood in Kokang, bringing civilian casualties. It added that the injured individuals were transported to the hospital, while those who passed away were cremated. A local resident, who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, told RFA Burmese that he eye-witnessed the death of several civilians when a shell hit and detonated on a car parked near the Crown Hotel. “The heavy weapon dropped straight on that car and one of the people in the car and the two others near the car died. Children and women were among the dead,” said the resident.  He further explained that the incident occurred when troops from the MNDAA positioned near the Sel Ton gate, just outside Laukkaing city, launched an attack on the 77th Division of the military junta as they entered the city. A heavy weapon used in this exchange landed near the Crown Hotel and exploded, resulting in casualties. The military junta continues to bombard Laukkaing city, and frequent disruptions in internet and telecommunication services have made it difficult to ascertain the full extent of the casualties. RFA Burmese called Li Kyarwen, a MNDAA spokesman on Wednesday regarding the local’s claim, but he did not respond. The military junta has yet to issue a statement on this incident as of Wednesday noon. RFA Burmese also contacted Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, the State Administration Council spokesman, but the call went unanswered. Separately, the MNDAA said three civilians were killed and ten were injured on Dec. 24 in an junta’s airstrike in Laukkaing and Hseni (Hsenwi) township. Between Oct. 27 to Dec. 23, a total of 55 civilians were killed and more than 40 people were injured due to the junta airstrikes in Kokang Region, according to data compiled by RFA based on the MNDAA’s statements.  Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Taejun Kang and Elaine Chan.

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Military burned more than 440 bodies over 19-month period

More than 440 bodies, mostly those of civilians, were burned by ruling junta forces across Myanmar between March 2022 and September 2023, according to a report by a U.K.-based nonprofit group dedicated to exposing human rights abuses and war crimes. The report from the Centre for Information Resilience, or CIR, said the military regime’s soldiers have routinely set villages ablaze and torched civilians – including some believed to be burned alive – amid the ongoing conflict with anti-junta forces to spread fear and control the population. The report, issued on Dec. 24, the second anniversary of a Christmas Eve massacre in Kayah state, was based on information from local media reports and user-generated content  compiled by the Myanmar Witness project which has monitored and documented human rights violations in Myanmar since the coup. At that massacre two years ago, Myanmar army soldiers killed at least 35 civilians, including women and children, and burned their bodies near a village called Moso, Radio Free Asia reported. The number was later increased to 50 civilians. Despite clear evidence and witness accounts pointing to national troops as the perpetrators, Myanmar’s military junta, which seized power from an elected government in a February 2021 coup, denied responsibility for the killings and blamed local resistance forces. Matt Lawrence, director of the Myanmar Witness project, called the incidents “another horrific dimension to the impact of the conflict on the people of Myanmar.” Grisly images Investigators relied on local media reports and user-generated content to determine how many civilians were burned during the 19-month period, using photos and videos from social media platforms.  In one instance, the photos and videos allowed investigators to identify the burned bodies of 150 victims, including what appeared to be the charred bodies of children, and corpses of others stacked before being set ablaze, the report said. “Who these individuals were, and how they ended up here, is far less clear, but open source evidence suggests that some were burnt alive, while others were burnt after death or as a result of an artillery or air strike.” CRI said. The remains of burned bodies are seen in Pa Lon Twi village of Mindat township in western Myanmar’s Chin state, Nov. 10, 2022. (Chinland Defense Force-Mindat) Most of the burnings occurred in northwestern Myanmar’s Sagaing region, a hotbed of armed resistance to the junta, but the report did not specify whether civilians there were burned after being killed or burned to death before they died. A local resident said that when the junta troops raided the villages and set fire to their homes during the clearance operations, some elderly people who could not escape were also burned to death. During a raid of Mu Gyi in Sagaing region on Nov. 24, 2022, about 100 Myanmar soldiers burned down nearly 200 houses killing about six people, said a resident, who did not want to be named for security reasons. Among them was 80-year-old Aye Yin, who died because she could not escape.  “The junta troops raided the village and torched houses owned by people who had connections to members of People’s Defense Forces,” said the resident, referring to local armed resistance fighters. “The fire spread and burned down other houses.”   Seeking justice The greatest number of civilians burned in a single incident occurred during the December 2021 attack in Kayah state’s Moso village. Zue Padonmar, one of the secretaries of  the Karenni State Interim Executive Council, said local officials tried to take action against the military, which had committed the mass killings but still enjoyed impunity. “We talked  to international organizations to find ways to punish this army, especially for committing these war crimes [and] genocide, and in order to not support the mechanisms of the military council. We also continuously recorded accounts about the perpetrators.” Those who burned civilians to death or burned dead bodies should receive capital punishment, some Burmese legal experts said. Because the acts are war crimes, top military leaders and commanders should be prosecuted by the International Criminal Court, said Kyee Myint, a veteran high court lawyer. “The people who gave the orders will be sent to jail, [and] the rest will be tried under domestic law,” he told RFA. “Burning people alive is an international crime.” RFA’s calls to junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment went unanswered on Tuesday.  Translated by Htin Aung Kyaw for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

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The Dark Side of the Chinese Loan Applications

Embarking on a journey into the shadows, our investigative report delves deep into the intricate web of Chinese Loan Applications, revealing a disturbing narrative that extends beyond borders. Titled “The Dark Side of Chinese Loan Applications,” this exposé uncovers the unsettling realities concealed beneath the seemingly innocuous facade of digital lending. From countries in South Asia, and South East Asia to the intricate landscapes of Africa, our exploration unveils stories of individuals caught in a relentless cycle of exploitation, harassment, and economic upheaval. As we traverse through the underbelly of this pervasive issue, the report sheds light on the personal ordeals and systemic threats that mark the dark side of Chinese loan apps. Join us on this journey to unravel the hidden dimensions and consequences of the ever-expanding influence of these applications. Download the Complete Report: Link Exploiting Personal Data for Extortion and Illicit Profits In our investigation, a stark revelation emerged regarding the intrusive nature of Chinese Loan Applications, which not only exploit financial vulnerabilities but also brazenly invade personal privacy. These applications, under the guise of loan processing, surreptitiously access sensitive data, including contact books and gallery permissions. Shockingly, our findings indicate that this personal information becomes a potent tool for malicious purposes. In instances involving female victims, loan providers resort to despicable acts of blackmail, threatening to disseminate morphed images to their contacts. Beyond such heinous practices, our investigation indicates a disturbing trend – the sale of this stolen personal data on online platforms and the dark web. The consequences are far-reaching, ranging from the inundation of contacts with various advertisements to the orchestration of targeted advertising campaigns. This blatant disregard for individuals’ privacy underscores the insidious nature of these applications and amplifies the urgent need for regulatory intervention. Complete Report: Link Tactics Employed by Chinese Loan Apps “Agents” Unnecessary Permissions to Harass Users Our investigation has revealed that certain loan applications engage in concerning practices where unnecessary permissions are requested from users. According to our investigation, beyond the legitimate requirements for loan processing, these applications exploit their users by seeking access to sensitive information such as personal contacts, pictures, and location data. This unwarranted intrusion not only poses a serious breach of privacy but also creates a platform for harassment, tracking, and intimidation. A compelling case study delves into the operations of the widely-used loan application in the Philippines, Atome PH. Notably, two-thirds of the individuals managing its Facebook Page hail from China and Taiwan. However, user experiences with the application reveal a troubling pattern—many have voiced concerns about the app’s abrasive treatment during repayment, subpar customer support, and the imposition of undisclosed charges. In another case study examining the Mr.Cash application, our investigation has uncovered alarming findings that highlight a troubling trend of predatory lending practices and potential privacy violations. Our investigation delves into the questionable practices surrounding the Mr.Cash application, a lending platform promoted through the Facebook group “Cash PH Loan,” boasting over 6.8K active members. Read the Entire Case Studies: Link The Alternate Routes to Reach People In response to mounting complaints from countries such as India and the Philippines, Google Play Store and Apple App Store have taken significant steps to address concerns related to predatory lending practices by removing a substantial number of Chinese loan applications from their platforms. Despite these efforts, a concerning number of such applications persist, perpetuating exploitative practices that have drawn widespread criticism. Read about all the methods used to deploy the apps in the complete report: Link Countries Case Studies Dark Side of the Chinese Loan Applications: Phillippines The Chinese loan app scams in the Philippines are a form of online fraud that targets vulnerable borrowers who need quick cash. These scams involve unlicensed and unregulated lending apps that offer high-interest loans with short repayment periods. The borrowers are required to give access to their contacts, cameras, and social media accounts as part of the loan terms and conditions. If they fail to pay on time, the lenders harass and threaten them and their contacts with abusive messages, calls, and even blackmail. Some of the victims are also tricked into downloading more apps that increase their debts. From January to November 2023, our investigation unveiled the amassing of more than 12 Million pesos. This money was funneled into the accounts of cybercriminals utilizing over 90 malicious Android apps to dupe their targets. The Philippine authorities have been cracking down on these illegal lending apps and their operators. In February 2022, the Philippine National Police – Anti-Cybercrime Group (PNP-ACG) arrested 46 suspects, including a Chinese national, who were behind several lending apps that scammed thousands of Filipinos. The suspects were charged with violation of the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) also banned 19 lending apps that were operating without a certificate of authority or license in the Philippines. The SEC warned the public to be cautious and to take measures before engaging in online transactions to avoid being victims of online fraud. Individuals in urgent need of cash often find themselves falling victim to the deceptive practices associated with the “120-day” loan term. The repercussions of this are felt as early as the 7th day, with relentless text messages and calls from debt collectors. Moreover, the disbursed amounts from these platforms often deviate significantly from the advertised figures. For instance, PeraMoo promotes a loan amount of P25,000, but a closer look reveals that P10,000 is allocated to interest and additional fees. Consequently, the actual disbursed amount is only P15,000. This translates to a staggering 40% in interest and charges that victims are compelled to pay. Numerous social media groups and pages in the Philippines, as seen in the image, are implicated in deceptive loan scams, preying on individuals seeking short-term loans. Despite appearing helpful, these platforms often involve fake managing accounts, leading to fraudulent activities. IJ-Reportika Survey : Philippines In our recent extensive survey conducted by IJ-Reportika in the Philippines, involving a substantial sample size of 100,000 individuals (age group…

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Junta attack claims lives of 3 people in Myanmar’s Rakhine State

The junta army’s heavy artillery shelling in Myanmar’s ancient capital of Mrauk-U in Rakhine State between Sunday and Monday resulted in the deaths of three civilians and the arrest of nine others, local residents told Radio Free Asia on Monday. The shelling also caused damage to an archaeological museum that is renowned for its ancient Buddhist pagodas and temples, they added. Locals said that the junta army has been continuously firing heavy weapons all over the Mrauk-U city after the battle between the junta army and the anti-junta force Arakan Army (AA) on Sunday.  The roof and antiques inside of the Cultural Museum which displayed the ancient cultural heritages in the city’s Nyaung Pin Zay neighborhood were damaged by a junta heavy weapon at around 5 a.m. on Sunday, according to locals.  Three monasteries, Setdamma Sukarama, Gandamar, Mingalar Man Aung, and some houses in the city were also damaged during the attack, a monk in the city who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals told RFA Burmese on Monday. “They [junta troops] are shooting with heavy artillery continuously. We could not enter the city and there was no one in the city. The fighting broke out on Sunday [Dec. 24] morning. They are shooting with heavy weapons all day and night,” said the monk.  The archaeological museum in Mrauk-U’s Nan Yar Kone was hit and destroyed by junta heavy artillery on Dec. 25, 2023. (Citizen journalist) The AA launched attacks on the police station and junta camp on the hill near Ngwe Taung Pauk bridge on the way out of Mrauk-U city early Sunday morning, and the junta responded with heavy weapons, killing three residents and injuring at least five others in the city, the locals explained. Another anti-junta force Three Northern Alliances also confirmed in a Sunday statement that the junta army had targeted the city’s residential areas of civilians and villages with heavy weapons. After the battle, about 70 soldiers from Mrauk-U-based junta Infantry Battalion (377) entered the city’s Aung Mingalar and Bandula neighborhoods and arrested nine civilians, said local residents.   The arrested include a 25-year-old man, Wai Lin Che, a 35-year-old man, Maung Hla Bu and a 50-year-old, Aung Tin Shwe. The names of the rest are still unknown. A Mrauk-U resident, who declined to be named for security reasons, told RFA Burmese that the junta troops arrested the civilians to use them as a human shield.  “They were arrested on Sunday afternoon. The junta troop assumed that the AA troops were also in the city. The [junta] troops were afraid of being attacked when they patrol into the city, so they took the civilians as human shields. All the residents are fleeing and some of the names [of those arrested] still unknown,” he told RFA Burmese.  This photo shows a group of Arakan Army officers. (Arakan Army) Anti-juta forces the Three Brotherhood Alliances also confirmed the arrest on Sunday night and said the nine civilians were arrested by the military council. Locals said that almost the entire city residents had to flee amid arrests, battles and casualties. As of 2014, the population of Mrauk-U stood at around 40,000. Junta’s military council has not released any statement about the incidents. Both Hla Thein, the council’s spokesman for Rakhine state and Attorney General, and Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, a military council spokesman, did not answer RFA’s inquiries.  Meanwhile, the AA released a statement on Monday that it will “respond effectively” to the military council army that deliberately attacked and destroyed the ancient cultural heritage of the Rakhine people. Separately, the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) blamed the junta in a Monday statement calling its attack on the museum “inhumane” and “act of war crime,” adding that it is bringing these cases to domestic and international courts. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Taejun Kang and Elaine Chan.

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