China jails journalist Dong Yuyu for 7 years for ‘spying’

A court in Beijing on Friday handed down a seven-year jail term to prominent journalist and columnist Dong Yuyu after finding him guilty of “espionage” in a trial behind closed doors that ended in July 2023, his family and press associations said. The Beijing No. 2 Intermediate People’s Court announced the verdict and sentence in the trial of Dong, 62, on Friday, saying it was based on evidence of his “meetings with Japanese diplomats,” his family told Reuters in a statement. The Japanese diplomat Dong met with was also detained by police, and China’s foreign ministry hit out at “foreign personnel engaged in activities inconsistent with their status in China.” The U.S. National Press Club said Dong, the former deputy head of commentaries at ruling Communist Party newspaper the Guangming Daily, hasn’t been allowed to see or speak with his family since his arrest at Beijing restaurant in February 2022. The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists condemned Dong’s sentence. “CPJ condemns the sentencing of Chinese journalist Dong Yuyu to seven years in prison on espionage charges on Friday,” the group said via its X account. “The verdict is a travesty of justice and Dong Yuyu must be reunited with his family immediately.” Security was tight near the court building on Friday, with several police cars parked nearby and officers asking journalists to leave the area, Reuters reported. “Today’s verdict is a grave injustice not only to Yuyu and his family but also to every free-thinking Chinese journalist and every ordinary Chinese committed to friendly engagement with the world,” Dong’s family said in a statement sent to Reuters. The sentence was based on no evidence and “declares to the world the bankruptcy of the justice system in China,” the statement said. Commentator Espionage convictions in Chinese courts can result in sentences of 3-10 years in less severe cases, or life imprisonment in cases deemed more serious by the authorities. A man reads an issue of the Guangming Daily newspaper at a public display window in Beijing, China, June 10, 2020. Tarumi made an immediate protest to the foreign ministry, meeting with Assistant Foreign Minister Wu Jianghao, who told him that the meeting was “irregular.” Tarumi replied that Wu had misrepresented the meeting and objected strongly, with the support of the ambassadors of 13 other countries, according to his account. Eventually, the Japanese diplomat was released. Targeting Japanese diplomats A Beijing-based journalist who declined to be named said China intensified its surveillance of Japanese diplomatic missions following the incident, barring them from taking part in exchange activities as they normally would, and isolating them in their embassy and consulates. More than 700 journalists, academics and NGO workers have signed an online petition on Change.org calling for Dong’s release. Foreign diplomats, journalists and academics are now being scrutinized more closely by the Chinese authorities, and anyone who contacts them could potentially be accused of “espionage” in today’s political climate, the petition said. It said Chinese nationalists had called for the investigation of all former Nieman Fellows from China. Foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning told a regular news briefing on Friday, when asked to comment on the sentence, that “Chinese judicial organs handle cases strictly in accordance with the law, and illegal and criminal activities will be investigated and prosecuted according to law.” Edited by Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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North Korea bans 2 South Korean dishes

North Korea has banned two popular dishes from being sold in restaurants because they are South Korean in origin, residents in the country told Radio Free Asia. It’s the latest example of Pyongyang cracking down on the “invasion” of South Korean culture — viewed as decadent and capitalist — into the reclusive communist country. Both dishes — budae-jjigae, a spicy stew that sometimes includes instant ramen noodles, hot dogs and whatever happens to be on hand, and tteokbokki, steamed rice cakes covered in a spicy sauce — have been very popular in South Korea for decades. They did not surface in North Korea until 2017, brought over by a restaurateurs attached to a department store operated jointly with Chinese companies, the residents said. Another food popular in the South that recently spread to the North, samgyeopsal, or barbecued pork belly slices, is not yet subject to the ban, they said. In recent years, South Korean culture — movies and TV shows, clothing and hairstyles, slang, humor and even dance moves — have been seeping into the North. South Korean TV shows and other media are smuggled into the country on thumb drives and watched widely — though in secret. In 2020, North Korea passed a law called the Rejection of Reactionary Thought and Culture Act to keep these things from spreading. Now it appears to have its sights on these foods. “Sales of tteokbokki and budae-jjigae at the marketplace have completely stopped since the 15th,” a merchant from the northern province of Ryanggang told RFA Korean on condition of anonymity for personal safety. “The city police and the market management office have declared that if anyone is caught secretly selling those foods, their store will be shut down.” She said that restaurant managers who sold the dishes were under investigation, and that police took measures to prevent their sale in a food court at a local department store. “This is not simply a measure taken only in Ryanggang Province, but also to all restaurant networks and market food stands across the country, including Pyongyang,” the merchant said. “People are well aware that the sale of tteokbokki and budae-jjigae is prohibited because they are South Korean foods.” Created by division All three of the dishes appeared in South Korea after the division of the country at the end of World War II and the 1950-53 Korean War that effectively made the division permanent. Budae-jjigae literally means “army base stew,” and was borne out of a time of scarcity in the South. It was made from packaged food items that were past their expiration date, but still edible, such as hot dogs and SPAM, that were discarded by U.S. Army bases and reclaimed by hungry South Koreans out of necessity. These days in the South, the ingredients are procured by more conventional means, at the grocery store or from a wholesaler. Scissors are used to cut samgyeopsal at a Korean barbecue restaurant. At the marketplace, tteokbokki costs 3,000 won (12 US cents) and budae-jjigae costs 6,000 won (25 cents), according to the source. In department stores tteokbokki costs 15,000 won (62 cents) and budae-jjigae costs 24,000 won ($1). For context, rice, considered a luxury in North Korea, costs 9,500 won (43 cents) per kilogram (2.2 pounds). The intellectual said there was considerable opposition from business owners and residents to the crackdown, and many protested that the ban makes no sense when American and Western food items like hamburgers and sandwiches are not targeted by bans. “The position of food vendors and residents is that tteokbokki and budae-jjgae are not just South Korean food, but are also food enjoyed by ethnic Koreans in Yanbian,” he said, referring to the Korean Autonomous prefecture in China, home to an estimated 620,000 residents of Korean descent. “Residents say that there is no ideology in the food, but the authorities are only punishing powerless vendors for no reason.” We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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China's then-Minister of National Defence Li Shangfu salutes the audience before delivering a speech during the 20th Shangri-La Dialogue summit in Singapore on June 4, 2023

China probes top military official Miao Hua for ‘serious violations of discipline’

The ruling Chinese Communist Party has placed Miao Hua, a high-ranking defense official, under investigation for “serious violations of discipline,” a phrase often used to denote an internal party corruption probe. “Miao Hua, member of the Central Military Commission and director of the Political Work Department of the Military Commission, is suspected of serious violations of discipline,” defense spokesperson Col. Wu Qian told a news conference in Beijing on Thursday. “After research by the Party Central Committee, it has been decided to suspend Miao Hua from his duties pending investigation,” Wu said. The announcement came a day after the Financial Times newspaper reported that Admiral Dong Jun, who was named as successor to Li Shangfu in December 2023 after Li was fired for corruption, was himself being investigated for graft. Wu dismissed the report on Thursday as “pure fabrication and rumor with ulterior motives.” “China does not accept such reports,” he said, but gave no further details of the investigation into Miao Hua. Miao Hua, right, China’s director of the political affairs department of the Central Military Commission arrives at the Pyongyang Airport in Pyongyang, North Korea Monday, Oct. 14, 2019. While holding talks with the defense chiefs of New Zealand, India, and Malaysia, as well as the ASEAN secretary-general, Dong refused a meeting with U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin. Beijing blamed it on Washington for undermining China’s “core interests” by providing weapons to Taiwan. A native of Shandong province from where Xi’s wife Peng Liyuan also hails, Dong –- as well as his predecessor Li Shangfu -– was believed to be appointed by Xi. Yet Dong wasn’t promoted to the Central Military Commission, the top military leadership of the Communist Party, nor was he appointed to the State Council, or the national cabinet. In China, defense ministers are usually members of both those bodies and Dong’s non-appointment had raised questions about his position. Former ministers Li Shangfu and Wei Fenghe were expelled from the Communist Party for “grave discipline violations” such as taking bribes and causing great damage to the images of the party and its senior leaders, according to official statements. Series of sackings The investigation into Miao follows a slew of sackings at the highest levels of the People’s Liberation Army in recent months. Just after Dong was appointed, China expelled nine military officials from its parliament, including three former commanders or vice commanders of the PLA Rocket Force, one former Air Force chief and one Navy commander responsible for the South China Sea. Analysts said they believed that the expulsions were related to the corruption over equipment procurement by the rocket force. But they also link the purges to ongoing dissent within the Chinese military about its readiness to stage an invasion of democratic Taiwan, which has said it has no wish to submit to “peaceful unification” under Beijing’s territorial claim on the island. An academic who gave only the surname Song for fear of reprisals said Xi’s enthusiasm for an invasion may not be shared by actual military commanders, who fear China may not win such a war. “Even if the current boss [Xi] wants to attack Taiwan and work with Putin to change the global order for a century to come, real soldiers and generals know whether or not such a war can be won,” Song said. “The actual military commanders are the ones who know whether their forces are up to the fight, and whether the morale is there.” “The last two defense ministers, Wei Fenghe and Li Shangfu, were removed because they knew it couldn’t be won, and mustn’t be fought,” he said. “That, I think, is the most important reason.” China froze top-level military talks and other dialogue with the U.S. in 2022 after then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi became the highest-ranking U.S. official in 25 years to visit Taiwan. The island has never been ruled by the Chinese Communist Party, nor formed part of the People’s Republic of China, and its 23 million people have no wish to give up their sovereignty or democratic way of life to be ruled by Beijing, according to recent opinion polls. China, which hasn’t ruled out an invasion to force reunification, was infuriated by the Pelosi visit and canceled military-to-military talks, including contacts between theater-level commanders. President Joe Biden persuaded his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, to resume contacts in November 2023, when they met on the sidelines of an APEC summit in Woodside, California.   We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative ReportsDaily ReportsInterviews Surveys Reportika

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Explained: What is America’s ‘blacklist’- and does it really work against China?

GlobalFoundries, a New York-based company, is the world’s third largest maker of semiconductor chips. It landed in hot water this month when U.S. authorities fined it $500,000 for selling its products to SJ Semiconductor, a Chinese company that can be found on a growing list of firms deemed a national security threat. Known unofficially as “America’s blacklist,” this catalog of over a thousand companies is maintained by the Bureau of Industry and Security, a division of the Commerce Department. Officially called the they had blocked an attempt to smuggle a bottle of gallium out of the country. People in Washington and Beijing are waiting to see whether the list gets longer or shorter in the coming year. The newly elected president, Donald Trump, will take office in January, and he’s promised big changes. Still, Trump has spoken out forcefully against China. Says Phildius: “I think he will—for lack of a better word—keep the screws tightened.” We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Volkswagen sells Xinjiang plant linked to Uyghur force labor

German automaker Volkswagen said Wednesday that it has sold its operations in northwest China’s Xinjiang region, where Beijing has been accused of widespread human rights abuses against Uyghurs. Activists and experts have accused VW of allowing the use of Uyghur slave labor at the its joint-venture plant with Chinese state-owned company SAIC Motor Corp. in Urumqi, Xinjiang’s capital. In a statement, the company cited “economic reasons” for its pullout from Xinjiang, home to about 12 million predominantly Muslim Uyghurs, where it also has a test track in Turpan. “While many SVW [SAIC-Volkswagen] sites are being, or have already been, converted to produce electric vehicles based on customer demand, alternative economic solutions will be examined in individual cases,” the statement said. “This also applies to the joint venture site in Urumqi,” it said. “Due to economic reasons, the site has now been sold by the joint venture as part of the realignment. The same applies to the test tracks in Turpan and Anting [in Shanghai].” The plant was sold to Shanghai Motor Vehicle Inspection Certification, or SMVIC, a subsidiary of state-owned Shanghai Lingang Economic Development Group for an undisclosed amount, Reuters reported. RELATED STORIES Leaked audit of VW’s Xinjiang plant contains flaws: expert US lawmakers query credibility of Volkswagen forced labor audit Volkswagen reviews Xinjiang operations as abuse pressure mounts Volkswagen under fire after audit finds no evidence of Uyghur forced labor Protesters disrupt Volkswagen shareholder meeting over alleged Uyghur forced labor The sale comes two months after an expert who obtained a leaked confidential copy of Volkswagen’s audit of its joint venture plant in Xinjiang said the document contained flaws that made it unreliable. Volkswagen declared in December 2023 that the audit of its Urumqi factory showed no signs of human rights violations. But after analyzing the leaked audit report, Adrian Zenz, senior fellow at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation in Washington, found that contrary to its claims, the audit failed to use international standards and was conducted by questionable examiners. Zenz, an expert on Xinjiang, concluded that the audit’s methodology was faulty and insufficient and that the report was “unsuited to meaningfully assess the presence or absence of forced labor at the factory.” Zenz called the news a “huge victory for the Uyghurs.” “This step was long overdue, he told RFA. “Sadly, it took public pressure and showcasing the full extent of the sham of the audit.” Strong international pressure Gheyyur Qurban, director of the Berlin office of the World Uyghur Congress who has led anti-Volkswagen activities, said Volkswagen’s withdrawal from Xinjiang was not due to economic reasons, but was linked to strong international pressure over the Uyghur issue. He said the World Uyghur Congress, a Uyghur advocacy group based in Germany, pressured the automaker to leave the region and forced it to defend itself before the international community. A Volkswagen I.D. concept car is displayed at the Beijing Auto Show in Beijing, China, April 24, 2018. In the statement, Volkswagen also said it was extending its joint venture agreement with SAIC until 2040 to introduce new vehicles to meet China’s growing market demand for electric cars. The original agreement was in place until 2030. The news came as the G7 Foreign Ministers’ meeting issued a statement expressing concern over the situation of Uyghurs in Xinjiang and Tibetans in Tibet persecuted by the Chinese government. The G7, or Group of Seven, comprises the major industrial nations — Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States and the European Union. “We remain concerned by the human rights situation in China, including in Xinjiang and Tibet,” said the statement, which urged China to abide by its international human rights commitments and legal obligations. But Rushan Abbas, chairperson of the executive committee at the World Uyghur Congress, said that the carefully worded statement was insufficient. “The genocide persists, conditions worsen and concrete actions remain lacking,” she said, referring to China’s violence targeting the Uyghurs, which the U.S. and some Western parliaments have recognized as genocide. “While de-risking supply chains is vital, it must be paired with bold measures to hold China accountable for state-sponsored forced labor,” Abbas said. “Awareness demands action. We urge G7 nations to move beyond rhetoric and lead in holding China accountable for its human rights abuses.” Edited by Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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EXPLAINED: Who are Myanmar’s Arakan Army?

The Arakan Army insurgent group in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state has made rapid advances against the junta over the past year and controls more territory and people than any other rebel force in Myanmar. Rakhine state, or Arakan as it used to be known, was a separate kingdom until it was conquered by Burmese kings in 1784. Now the Arakan Army, or AA, could be on the brink of a major step towards fulfilling what it calls the “Arakan Dream”, of once again securing self-determination for the state of more than 3 million people, some 60% of whom are ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and about 35% Muslim Rohingya. As the AA advances towards its goal of driving out junta forces, scrutiny has turned to how it sees Rakhine state’s future in Myanmar, how it would handle the state’s Muslim minority, amid accusations of serious rights abuses, which the AA denies, and how it would accommodate China’s economic ambitions. Lightning progress The AA was founded in 2009 by members of the ethnic Rakhine community, led by former student activist Twan Mrat Naing, seeking shelter with the Kachin Independence Army, or KIA, in northern Myanmar. The AA recruited some of its first fighters among Rakhine men working in jade mines in Kachin state. They gained experience fighting the military alongside the KIA and other insurgent forces in Shan state, before filtering back into Rakhine state from around 2014. The AA burst onto the scene in Rakhine state on Jan. 4, 2019, with Independence Day attacks on four police stations. Aung San Suu Kyi, who led a civilian government at the time, ordered the military to crush the “terrorist” force but the two sides later agreed to a ceasefire. The AA condemned the military’s February 2021 coup but did not immediately resort to arms. Over the next two years of on-again, off-again ceasefires, the AA built up its administrative capacity through its political wing, the United League of Arakan, including a COVID-19 vaccination drive. In November 2023, it launched a large-scale offensive in coordination with two Shan state insurgent forces, as part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance. The AA made lightning progress, initially in northern Rakhine state and a southern part of neighboring Chin state that it claims, seizing military outposts, bases and towns, as well as large amounts of arms and ammunition. Arakan Army soliders with captured arms and ammunition in a phto posted on the group’s website on Feb. 13, 2024. The AA claims to have more than 30,000 fighters though independent analysts suspect its strength is around 20,000. The AA controls about 80% of Rakhine state – 10 of its 17 townships and one in neighboring Chin state. In townships it does not control, it has pinned junta forces into pockets of territory, such as the state capital, Sittwe, the town of Ann, home of the military’s Western Command, and the Kyaukpyu economic zone on the coast where China has energy facilities. RELATED STORIES Arakan Army treatment of Rohingya minority poses challenge to Myanmar opposition Arakan Army’s gains enough to enable self-rule in Myanmar’s Rakhine state International criminal court seeks arrest warrant for Myanmar junta chief Confederation While all of Myanmar’s insurgent forces want to throw off military rule, they differ when it comes to ultimate aims. Most ethnic minority forces and pro-democracy militias drawn from the majority Burman community aspire to a democratic, federal union but the AA has called for a vaguely defined “confederate status” for Rakhine state. “We will see whether a Federal Union of Myanmar will have the political space for the kind of confederation that our Arakanese people aspire for,” AA leader Twan Mrat Naing told the Asia Times newspaper in a 2022 interview. The prospect of the AA governing Rakhine state is bound to raise fears for the Rohingya. The AA’s position on the persecuted Muslim minority community has shifted over the years, from seemingly moderate and inclusive to accusations of mass killings this year. The catalyst for the hardening of the AA line on the Rohingya was a campaign by the junta to recruit, at times forcibly, Rohingya men into militias to fight the AA. U.N. investigators said they documented attacks on Rohingya by both the AA and the junta. On Aug. 5, scores of Rohingya trying to flee from the town of Maungdaw to Bangladesh, across a border river, were killed by drones and artillery fire that survivors and rights groups said was unleashed by the AA. The AA denied responsibility. As well as capturing large volumes of weapons from the military, the AA has been helped by its insurgent allies in the northeast, analysts say. For revenue, it says it relies on taxes and donations from Rakhine workers overseas. It denies any link to the flow of methamphetamines from producers in Myanmar to a booming black market in Bangladesh. The role of China is likely to be crucial as it seeks to bring peace to Myanmar. China has extensive economic interests in its southern neighbor including a hub for its Belt and Road energy and infrastructure network in Rakhine state at Kyaukpyu, where China wants to build a deep sea port. Natural gas and oil pipelines begin at Kyaukpyu and run across Myanmar to southern China. The AA, like other insurgents in Myanmar, has not attacked Chinese interests, though it has surrounded Kyaukpyu. Some analysts say the AA, with its northeastern Myanmar connections, has links to China. However, there has been no public indication that China is pressing the AA to make peace with the junta, as it has done with groups in northern and northeastern Myanmar. Edited by Kiana Duncan and Taejun Kang. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Taiwan: The Rising AI Powerhouse

Taiwan, renowned for its role as a global leader in semiconductor manufacturing, is also making strides in the field of Artificial Intelligence (AI). In recent years, the island has become a hotspot for AI research, development, and application, leveraging its strong tech ecosystem and skilled workforce. This article explores how Taiwan is positioning itself as an AI powerhouse, the government’s role in fostering innovation, and the challenges and opportunities the country faces in the AI sector.  1. Taiwan’s AI Landscape: A Growing Tech Ecosystem Taiwan is no stranger to cutting-edge technology. As home to major companies such as TSMC (Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company) and MediaTek, the island has long been a key player in the global technology market. In recent years, Taiwan has expanded its focus to include AI, aiming to integrate the technology into various sectors, including manufacturing, healthcare, and transportation. AI research in Taiwan has seen substantial growth, with universities and private institutions playing a key role in advancing the field. National Taiwan University (NTU), Taiwan National Chiao Tung University (NCTU), and Academia Sinica are just a few of the country’s institutions conducting groundbreaking AI research. Taiwan’s investment in AI education and workforce development is expected to fuel long-term growth in the sector, helping to cultivate a highly skilled pool of AI professionals. Taiwan is also home to several AI startups and tech companies focused on AI-driven solutions. These companies are working across a variety of sectors, including smart manufacturing, healthcare diagnostics, AI-based cybersecurity, and autonomous vehicles. With the government’s support and Taiwan’s established reputation in hardware production, many believe the country is well-positioned to become a leading hub for AI innovation in Asia.  2. Government Support: Policies and Initiatives The Taiwanese government has recognized the potential of AI and has implemented a range of policies to foster the growth of the industry. In 2017, Taiwan introduced its “AI Taiwan” initiative, which seeks to promote the development and integration of AI technology across various sectors. The initiative includes funding for AI research, investment in talent development, and the creation of an AI-friendly regulatory environment. One of the key features of Taiwan’s AI strategy is its emphasis on collaboration between industry and academia. The government has been instrumental in establishing AI research hubs and facilitating partnerships between leading universities and technology companies. Additionally, Taiwan’s National Development Council (NDC) has launched a series of initiatives aimed at encouraging AI startups, including tax incentives and funding opportunities. The Taiwanese government has also prioritized the development of AI applications in industries such as manufacturing, healthcare, and agriculture. By leveraging AI to optimize production lines, enhance medical diagnoses, and improve crop yields, Taiwan hopes to transform its industries and boost its economy.  3. AI in Manufacturing: The Smart Factory Revolution Taiwan’s manufacturing sector, particularly its dominance in semiconductor production, is a key area where AI is expected to have a transformative impact. The government and private sector have been investing heavily in “smart manufacturing”—a blend of AI, robotics, and IoT (Internet of Things) technology designed to enhance production efficiency and reduce costs. AI-driven technologies such as predictive maintenance, quality control, and supply chain optimization are being increasingly implemented in factories across Taiwan. These innovations help manufacturers anticipate equipment failures, ensure consistent product quality, and streamline logistics operations. Taiwan’s status as a global leader in semiconductor production also positions it to be at the forefront of AI applications in advanced manufacturing. For example, TSMC, the world’s largest contract chipmaker, has incorporated AI into its production process to improve yields and accelerate innovation. The integration of AI technologies in these sectors not only strengthens Taiwan’s economy but also contributes to the global supply chain for cutting-edge tech products.  4. Healthcare: AI-Driven Solutions for Better Medical Outcomes AI’s potential to revolutionize healthcare is a major area of focus in Taiwan. The country has already made strides in using AI to improve medical diagnosis, drug development, and personalized healthcare. Taiwan’s healthcare system, which is known for its efficiency and high standards, has integrated AI technologies to enhance patient care and streamline operations. AI-powered tools are being used in medical imaging to identify early signs of diseases like cancer, while machine learning algorithms help doctors with diagnostic decision-making. Taiwan’s National Health Insurance system, which covers nearly the entire population, provides a rich database that can be used to train AI models for medical research and patient care optimization. Taiwan is also focusing on AI applications in elderly care, as the country has one of the fastest-aging populations in the world. AI-powered robots and assistive devices are being developed to help the elderly live independently and receive personalized healthcare services.  5. Challenges in AI Adoption While Taiwan has made significant strides in AI development, there are still challenges to overcome. One of the main obstacles is the shortage of AI talent. Despite the country’s strong educational institutions, there is intense competition for skilled workers in AI-related fields. Taiwan’s government and private companies are working to address this issue by offering incentives for AI researchers, including scholarships and funding for startups. Another challenge is ensuring that Taiwan’s AI ecosystem is inclusive and ethical. As AI systems are increasingly being used in sensitive areas such as healthcare and autonomous vehicles, there are concerns about data privacy, security, and algorithmic biases. Taiwan’s government has recognized these concerns and is working on AI regulations that will promote transparency, accountability, and fairness in AI development.  6. Looking Ahead: Taiwan’s AI Future The future of AI in Taiwan looks promising. The country’s strong technology infrastructure, government support, and skilled workforce make it an ideal location for AI research and development. As Taiwan continues to invest in AI education, foster innovation, and encourage collaboration between industries, it is likely to emerge as a leading global player in AI technology. In the coming years, Taiwan is expected to be a key player in shaping the future of AI, particularly in sectors such as semiconductor manufacturing, healthcare, and smart cities. The continued development of AI technology will…

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China seeks easing of Japan ties amid growing tension with US

China on Friday added Japanese passport-holders to a newly expanded list of people eligible for unilateral visa-free entry on a trial basis, foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jian announced on Friday. China also notified Japan that it will remove a buoy near the Diaoyu Islands, which are also claimed by Japan as the Senkaku Islands, Kyodo news reported. Japan had objected to the installation of the buoy in the high seas over Japan’s southern continental shelf in the Pacific Ocean without explanation, with Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi calling the move “regrettable” in June. The buoy was installed in high seas north of Japan’s southernmost Okinotori Island by the Chinese survey vessel Xiang Yang Hong 22 during a voyage through Japan’s waters, ostensibly “for the purpose of scientific research and serving public good.” An illustration of printed Chinese and Japanese flags July 21, 2022. Taiwanese national security expert Shih Chien-yu said China is also looking for other sources of income before the Trump administration comes to power in Washington, bringing with it a huge hike in tariffs. U.S. President-elect Donald Trump has said he will impose a 10% tariff on all products coming into the U.S. from China on his first day in office as penalties for deadly fentanyl and illegal immigrants, which he claimed were pouring across the borders. Competition with US Trump’s election victory sparked concern in China, where many expect the next president to take a tougher stand than his predecessor, particularly on trade and economic issues, with repercussions for an already struggling Chinese economy. “Faced with the way its international relations are going, China is learning to put aside the proud attitude of the past,” Shih said. “It’s clear that there will be competition with the United States, so Beijing will definitely look to compete by reaching out to Tokyo to try to ease ties.” “They’ll be wanting to do this especially over the next few months, before Trump’s Indo-Pacific strategy becomes clear … because if they wait until after that, there’ll be very little room for further action,’ he said. Shih said any rapprochement with Tokyo could also have security implications for the region. “China, the United States and Japan have a very special military and security relationship, so China will be trying to differentiate its relationships with the United States and Japan,” he said. “China will try to make some adjustments regarding Japan’s stance, which is to protect Taiwan or assist in its defense, because Japan will play an important role in any military conflict in the Taiwan Strait,” Shih said. Asked about visa-free entry for Japanese nationals, foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said Beijing wants to boost exchanges with Japan. “We hope that Japan will work with China to jointly enhance the level of facilitation of personnel exchanges between the two countries,” Mao told a regular news briefing in Beijing on Monday. Translated by Luisetta Mudie. Edited by Joshua Lipes. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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US bars 29 more Chinese companies over Uyghur slave labor

WASHINGTON – The United States has banned another 29 Chinese companies from exporting their goods to America due to their alleged use of Uyghur slave labor. It’s the largest single blacklisting since the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act became law in 2021. The listing, by the bipartisan House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party into claims that U.S. venture capital firms are funding companies involved in Uyghur slave labor and thereby financing “genocide.” Pressure campaign In a statement, U.S. Trade Representative Katherine Tai said that the latest bulk blacklisting shows Washington’s resolve “to ensure that goods made from the forced labor of Uyghurs and other ethnic and religious minorities in Xinjiang do not enter the United States.” RELATED STORIES US lawmakers mark East Turkestan National Day with Uyghur community US blacklists 3 more Chinese textile firms over Uyghur slave labor EXPLAINED: What’s the controversy over ‘Uygur’ vs ‘Uyghur’? Rishat Abbas, the chairman of the Washington-based Uyghur Academy, told Radio Free Asia that the blacklisting represented “a critical move in the fight against forced labor in supply chains” in China. “By restricting goods from over 100 Chinese companies linked to the exploitation of Uyghurs in East Turkistan, this action sends a strong message to the Chinese Communist Party,” Abbas said, using the preferred Uyghur name for the Xinjiang region of China. Abbas added that the mounting international pressure was pushing Beijing toward a position where it may soon be forced “to reassess its policies of oppression toward the Uyghur population.” Edited by Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Cambodia, Laos sack foreign ministers in preparation for more combative geopolitics

On Nov. 19, Sok Chenda Sophea, who was only brought in as Cambodia’s foreign minister last year, was given the in as secretary of state. Washington’s leading China hawk is expected to take a much tougher stance on Beijing’s partners in Asia, such as Cambodia, and on mainland Southeast Asia’s vast scam industry that is increasingly victimizing U.S. citizens. Unlike Sok Chenda Sophea, Prak is more of a ruling-party partisan who can push back against U.S. criticism. Presumably, Phnom Penh realizes it’ll soon have to wade into a new fight with Washington, making it even more important to be on the best terms with Beijing. Beijing won’t be displeased by Prak’s return. Attuned to Beijing China is believed to have grown weary with some of the princelings installed in Hu Manet’s cabinet during last year’s vast generational succession process. It has been lobbying for the return of Prak, an old-style politician who understands how Beijing prefers things to be done. In Vientiane, Saleumxay did a good job in recent years of pitching Laos to the rest of the world, including the West, and as the only fluent English speaker in the Politburo was key to securing some important development assistance packages from Japan, the U.S., and European states. Yet Laos’s dire economic situation, particularly its massive debts to China, isn’t improving, and only Beijing has the ability to assist meaningfully. A damning report by the IMF published last week noted that Laos’s economy “critically relies on the continued extension of debt relief from China.” Vientiane knows it must narrow its foreign relations again to focus squarely on China. Indeed, the communist party is eager to find a more senior role for pro-Beijing figures like Sommath Pholsena, currently a deputy president of the National Assembly and a childhood friend of Xi Jinping, China’s president. He’ll likely be the next National Assembly chair. Thongsavanh Phomvihane, the new foreign minister, started his career at Laos’s embassy in Beijing, has closer ties to the Chinese Communist Party, and is more of a party loyalist than Saleumxay. Like Prak, he’s an older, more traditional and safer pair of hands, someone who understands what Beijing wants and how to provide that. David Hutt is a research fellow at the Central European Institute of Asian Studies (CEIAS) and the Southeast Asia Columnist at the Diplomat. He writes the Watching Europe In Southeast Asia newsletter. The views expressed here are his own and do not reflect the position of RFA. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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