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Category: World

Will Hong Kong’s star shine again?

Editor016 mins

A typical Friday evening in Mong Kok district comes to a hush before midnight. It is the new normal for a district once fused with the buzz and raw energy that was the essence of Hong Kong.  Yet, it is the old vibe that Hong Kong officials are aspiring to recover. In mid-September, the government launched “Night Vibes Hong Kong,” involving night markets, food stalls, movie screenings and live music events over weekends. Over the past 12 months, it has rolled out campaigns including a six-month program to bring tourists back and also gone on global roadshows to win back investors.  The effectiveness of the efforts remains elusive, despite Chief Executive John Lee’s vow to a year ago in his maiden policy speech to go all out to draw back talent and businesses to a city battered by a stringent zero-COVID policy and Beijing’s hardened grip. Tell the world the good stories of Hong Kong was the mantra, he quipped. As Lee prepares to make his second policy address this week, analysts say the good stories are few, and the issues that have eroded Hong Kong’s unique competitiveness continue to chip away. The city’s international financial center and economic hub positions are crumbling under the weight of Beijing’s tightened grip of the special administrative region where the “one country, two systems” principle is taking a new form under Chinese President Xi Jinping. “Hong Kong’s major indicators – freedom, rule of law, international financial center status, international standards of practices, property market, stock market, government’s financial reserves – are all on the decline, and it is a Hong Kong government problem,” points out Lew Mon-hung, a businessman and former Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference committee member. ‘Promoting Marxism’ To be exact, it’s a problem stemming from Beijing, Lew says, because Hong Kong’s progress and fate are intricately tied to China’s continuous reforms as they have been the past four decades.  That path, however, has been stymied by the shift in political climate in the mainland, and the Chinese National People’s Congress’s passing of the National Security Law in June 2020 – bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature – to quell months of anti-government protests. “In China now, they are promoting Marxism – having gotten into the philosophy of struggle, wolf warrior diplomacy,” which Lew says comes at the expense of economic and thought regressions. People walk through an outdoor market in Hong Kong’s Mong Kok area on Aug. 20, 2022. Credit: Bertha Wang/AFP These weighed on the “one country, two systems,” China’s constitutional principle to govern Hong Kong under a mini-constitution called the Basic Law, where the city is allowed freedom of assembly and speech, an independent judiciary and some democratic rights – except in the areas of diplomacy and defense.  “Beijing reckons that Hong Kong only needs to play an economic role after its return to Chinese rule,” says Hong Kong current affairs commentator Johnny Lau Yui-siu.  “But Hong Kong people’s view of the world is different from mainland China’s political awareness and consciousness. And Beijing wants Hong Kong to align.”  Hong Kongers, he says, are outward-looking, used to international practices, free flow of information and speech, unlike their Chinese counterparts who are restricted by the boundaries that the Chinese Communist Party had set.  As China stalls in its convergence towards international standards, Hong Kong became the by-product of that stagnation, Lau says. The numbers add up The numbers tell the same story. China’s exports fell 14.3% and 8.8% in July and August respectively, while Hong Kong’s fell 9.1% and 3.7%. The benchmark stock index has lost about 12% since the beginning of 2023 and Hong Kong’s property prices are forecast to fall 5% for the year, according to a commercial real estate services firm Cushman & Wakefield.  The uncertainties that keep foreign investors guessing about where the political winds blow in China also reverberate in Hong Kong. China’s crackdown on industries such as the technology sector, as well as its more recent position to let an indebted property industry go into a free fall, have done little to assure investors. A pedestrian passes the Hong Kong Stock Exchange electronic screen in Hong Kong on July 21, 2023. Credit: Louise Delmotte/AP The latest annual survey by the American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai published in September showed that the percentage of U.S. firms optimistic about their outlook on China over the next five years slid to 52%, the lowest level since the annual report was introduced in 1999. In Hong Kong, a member sentiment survey by the AmCham in Hong Kong released in March found that American businesses’ three biggest challenges are U.S.-China tensions, a weakening global economy and the overseas perception of Hong Kong, a factor that was previously absent. “If the HKSAR Govt can reassure international investors that the rule of law will prevail, and the NSL will not put their staff in jeopardy, it will go a long way.  But it is at the moment delivering neither,” says Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute at SOAS University of London. Rebuilding reputation The chamber has urged Hong Kong chief Lee to provide “straightforward interpretations and applications” of the law in his upcoming policy speech. In its written submission in September to the public consultation for the policy address, the chamber wants Lee to reassure businesses that the law will be applied narrowly and be consistent with the principles of an independent judiciary. The ramifications of the national security law, which criminalizes any act of secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with foreign or external forces, have never ceased since it was implemented. How the Hong Kong government has used the law to change the political and civic institutions in the city has alarmed a wide spectrum of the society. Opposition parties and media outlets were shuttered, while pro-democratic figures have either been arrested or have fled the city. An earlier post-COVID reopening by longtime rival Singapore didn’t help. Toeing Beijing’s stringent zero-COVID policy was a death knell for…

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Yangon residents skip meals amid soaring rice and cooking oil prices

Editor07 mins

Residents in Myanmar’s largest city of Yangon are having to eat less food because rice and cooking oil prices have more than doubled – and sometimes tripled – since the junta came to power in the February 2021 coup, they told Radio Free Asia. The economy of Myanmar has suffered under the junta with unemployment rising sharply and price increases for nearly all commodities. Residents report that their wages have not increased amid rampant inflation. Aye Aye Thin, the matriarch of her family, told RFA Burmese that the adults are skipping meals so that the children can have their fill. “Before 2021, I could cook seven tins of rice, and my family was well fed,” she said. “After the coup, I can cook only four tins of rice. Our income is not enough because rice and cooking oil prices are skyrocketing.” She said that everyone in the house eats a morning meal, but the adults skip the afternoon meal because there is nothing left. “We have to go to bed hungry,” Aye Aye Thin said. “I haven’t seen good quality rice and cooking oil for a long time.”  Another resident, Thin Zar, said that she skips meals so that she can feed her son and husband. “It is not enough to buy rice with 1,000 or 2,000 kyats (48 U.S. cents to $1). Only when I buy 2,500 kyats ($1.20) worth of rice, it is just enough for my husband and son,” she said. “Mostly, I’m starving. The only way we’re all well fed is if there is charity.”   War and price controls There are several reasons for the surging rice prices, including unrealistic price controls, transport restrictions and fighting that has destroyed farms and farmland. Farmers told RFA that since junta troops burned houses and barns in Shwebo, Kanbalu Khin-U, Ye-U and Taze townships, they can no longer grow as much rice as they could before. There are several Destruction of rice fields and homes, or forcing people to flee in rice-producing upper Myanmar, price control by the junta authorities and transport restrictions are the reasons for higher rice prices in Myanmar. “Wages are not increasing, it’s only the price of goods that keeps going up,” Khin Maung Win, who used to own an apartment in Yangon, now lives as a tenant. Credit: RFA Khin Maung Win, who used to own an apartment in Yangon, now lives as a tenant. He told RFA that over the last two or three years, prices have risen but wages have not. Rice prices have tripled, and the price of lower quality rice, which has red seeds mixed in, isn’t that much lower, he said. Cooking oil  The price of cooking oil has also jumped. Customers who once were able to afford sunflower oil or peanut oil now have to line up to buy cheaper palm oil because prices have been rising and there is a cooking oil shortage, Ma Soe, a grocery store owner, told RFA. “In a period of three years, the [cooking oil] prices have doubled or tripled, so they can’t afford sunflower oil or peanut oil anymore,” he said. “People of all walks of life can only afford palm oil. But the stores can’t get enough.” A rice shop in Yangon is seen on Oct. 4, 2023. The price of even low-grade rice has doubled. Credit: RFA On Sept. 9, Myanmar junta chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing said that action has been taken against those who are speculating on commodity prices. However, Kyi Tha, an economic analyst, said that such action can be ruinous for economic growth. “They arrest and imprison rice and oil merchants. They extort them. They told the merchants that they had to sell at set prices,” he said. “You can’t create an economic boom by orders and authority.” According to the analysis of Trading Economics, which provides data for the economic indicators of 196 countries, Myanmar’s unemployment rate was only 0.7 percent in 2019, and now it has reached 2.2 percent in 2023.  In a list of the 25 poorest countries in the world 2023, published by the International Monetary Fund, Myanmar is ranked 24, the poorest country in Southeast Asia. Translated by Htin Aung Kyaw. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.

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Junta hits political prisoners with package restrictions, transfers

Editor09 mins

Junta policies that restrict packages to jailed inmates and permit prisoners to be transferred to remote facilities without notifying relatives are negatively impacting the health of political prisoners in Myanmar, their family members told RFA Burmese on Friday. The two practices are seen by rights campaigners as ways for the junta to punish critics of its rule. But they can have a deadly effect on the lives of what Thailand’s Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) says are the more than 19,600 prisoners of conscience languishing in Myanmar’s poorly provisioned jails since the military’s February 2021 coup d’etat. Traditionally, families of all inmates have been allowed to send enough food for two weeks at a time, as well as medicine and other supplies, to supplement what little is provided to them in prison by the state. The amount also allowed for inmates to share food with those whose families have less to give. But beginning in August, several prisons across the country introduced limits on sending packages to political prisoners – but not the prisons’ general population – with no official announcement or explanation for the decision. Family members told RFA Burmese that the new rules have left their loved ones without enough to eat and in need of medicine to address medical conditions. The family member of a political prisoner in Pathein, who was sentenced to more than 20 years in prison, said that the new restrictions mean that what can be sent will now barely support them for a week. She said that she can now only send seven packets of instant coffee, five packets of instant noodles, 14.4 ounces of dry snacks and 1.8 pounds of curry. “He won’t even be able to eat [enough] for a week,” she said. Min Lwin Oo, a member of the Dawei district strike committee, told RFA that the health of his 65-year-old imprisoned father, who was sentenced to two years in Dawei Prison in August 2022 for “defaming the state,” is now “worse than when he was outside.” He said his father has asked for a daily supply of medicine to treat a fungal skin disease, but that he has been unable to send it due to the new restrictions. “Before [prison], he used to visit clinics regularly, but he can’t do that anymore,” Min Lwin Oo said. “Things like creams don’t work well for this problem, so I am worried about his health.” In addition to the restrictions on packages, shortly after seizing power, the junta instituted a ban on in-person meetings between political prisoners and their lawyers on the pretext of preventing the spread of Covid-19.  The ban, which remains in place despite drastically reduced Covid transmission numbers, has limited the ability of prisoners of conscience to fight charges for crimes they say are politically motivated and that they didn’t commit. Prison transfers Authorities have also used transfers to remote prisons – often without informing families – as a form of retribution against political prisoners that limits their access to lawyers, loved ones, and badly needed supplies, watchdog groups say. Family members of prisoners being released wait in front of Pathein Prison, Aug. 1, 2023. Credit: Citizen journalist Ko Ganang, a member of a group that sends supplies to prisons, said political prisoners who are sent to remote facilities can find themselves “in serious trouble.” “Families can’t afford travel expenses, even if it is only once a month,” he said. “The country’s economy is not good, so it is very difficult for family members of political prisoners. They are financially discriminated against.” According to Thaik Tun Oo, a leading member of the Myanmar Political Prisoners Network, conditions for political prisoners became much worse in the country after the junta appointed Myo Swe – formerly of the regime’s ministry of defense – to replace Zaw Min as director general of the ministry of home affairs’ prison department. “After a military officer became the director general of prisons, the [political] prisoners were forbidden from wearing clothes they used to wear and reading the books they used to read,” he said, noting that not even books published with official permission are allowed to be read in prisons anymore. “They are no longer allowed to keep personal belongings, such as toothbrushes, and drinking water can no longer be sent from the outside,” he said. “We’ve learned that it’s the prison authorities who are carrying out this oppression.” No legal basis for restrictions Thaik Tun Oo said that at least 24 prisons across the country have been restricting the sending of packages to political prisoners, with no reason provided. A lawyer, who declined to be named due to security reasons, said that under Myanmar’s laws, all inmates have the right to meet with their family members, engage in correspondence and receive supplies. “All inmates are allowed to meet in-person with their family members … and if there is no opportunity to meet in person, they can receive supplies [or letters],” he said. “These are the ways that inmates can maintain contact with the outside. According to the prison manual, unless there are special circumstances, every prisoner must be provided these rights.” RFA’s attempts to reach out to Naing Win, a spokesman for the prison department, regarding the restrictions on sending supplies to inmates went unanswered Friday. Translated by Htin Aung Kyaw. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

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Junta razes village in northern Myanmar, opens fire on residents

Editor03 mins

A man died and eight were injured when troops laid landmines in their village in Sagaing region after raiding it and burning the houses to the ground. Two mines exploded while residents were cleaning up the remains of their houses, one Pyawbwe resident told Radio Free Asia. After the troops left the village, they turned back to shell the survivors.  “After they left, we went in and cleared the burnt houses in the village. The two mines planted by the junta soldiers were stepped on and blew up,” said the man who wished to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals. “The troops shelled the area that had been blown up, injuring nine people with landmines and heavy artillery. One of them died this morning.” The column trekked from Ye-U township to Tabayin township. Villages along the route were systematically raided and bombarded with heavy artillery, he added. Across the south of Sagaing region, military convoys have carried out brutal attacks, causing thousands to flee their homes in early October.  Troops killed one man and arrested 30 on a five-day raid across Shwebo, Khin-U, Pale and Kanbalu townships during the third week of October. On Saturday, villagers found three teenagers beaten and shot to death outside their village in Yinmarbin township.  RFA contacted Sagaing region’s ethnic affairs minister and junta spokesperson Sai Naing Naing Kyaw seeking comment on the attack, but he did not reply by time of publication.  Nationwide, junta convoys killed eight civilians from Oct. 1 to 17 with airstrikes and heavy artillery, according to data compiled by RFA. Forty-one people were injured. More than 800,000 people have fled their homes in Sagaing region due to the conflict since the military coup, according to the United Nations. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

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51 nations blast China over violating Uyghurs’ rights

Editor08 mins

In a joint statement, 51 countries, including the United States, expressed deep concern to the United Nations on Wednesday over Chinese human rights violations of Uyghurs in its far-western Xinjiang region. The move comes after China was elected to the U.N. Human Rights Council for the 2024-2026 term – despite its poor track record in protecting rights. “Members of Uyghur and other predominantly Muslim minorities in Xinjiang continue to suffer serious violations of their human rights by the authorities of the People’s Republic of China,” said the statement, which was delivered by James Kariuki, Britain’s U.N. ambassador. It urged China to respond to an August 2022 report issued by the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, or OHCHR, which concluded China’s mass detentions of Uyghurs and other predominantly Muslim minorities on a large scale in Xinjiang “may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.” The report found that “serious human rights violations” have been committed in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region amid the Chinese government’s claims of countering terrorism and extremism. The assessment cited evidence of invasive surveillance on the basis of religion and ethnicity, restrictions on cultural and religious practices, torture and ill-treatment of detainees, forced abortion and sterilization of Muslim women, enforced disappearances, family separations, and forced labor, the statement noted. “Over a year has passed since that assessment was released and yet China has not engaged in any constructive discussion of these findings,” said the statement issued at the U.N.’s Third Committee, which meets annually in early October to deal with human rights, humanitarian affairs and social matters.   In its recommendations, the OHCHR had called on the Chinese government to release detainees from camps and other detention facilities, issue details about the location of Uyghurs in Xinjiang who have been out of touch with relatives abroad, allow travel so families can be reunited, and investigate allegations of human rights abuses. ‘Strong remedial action’ At the most recent session of the U.N’s Human Rights Council in September, Volker Türk, the current high commissioner for human rights, called on China to follow the recommendations of the assessment and take “strong remedial action.” Maya Wang, associate director of the Asia division at Human Rights Watch, said maintaining pressure on China is part of a continued effort to hold the country accountable for its actions in Xinjiang. “Suffice it to say that moving a government as abusive and powerful as China’s takes a lot of effort and time, and that pressing the U.N. to keep prioritizing human rights in its interactions with China is part of this long and hard effort,” she told Radio Free Asia. Women walk past a propaganda slogan promoting ethnic unity in ‘the new era,’ in both Chinese and Uyghur languages, in Yarkand, northwestern China’s Xinjiang region, July 18, 2023. Credit: Pedro Paro/AFP The New York-based right group called on U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres on Monday to press Chinese President Xi Jinping to end crimes against humanity in Xinjiang and other serious rights abuses in China, during a visit to Beijing to attend the third Belt and Road Forum on Oct. 17-18. “Since becoming secretary-general in 2017, Guterres has shown reluctance to publicly criticize the Chinese government for its severe and worsening repression,” HRW said in a statement. Growing number Dolkun Isa, president of the World Uyghur Congress, welcomed the joint U.N. statement, noting that a few African and South American countries have signed this year’s statement condemning China’s atrocities against Uyghurs.  “In 2019, there were only 20 countries that signed on to the joint statement,” he said.  “Despite China’s efforts to spread disinformation to cover up it genocide against Uyghurs by increasing tourism, inviting friendly diplomats and journalists to the region, the fact that there are more countries signed on to this joint statement this time proves the complete failure of China’s disinformation campaign,” he said. Luke de Pulford, executive director of Inter-parliamentary Alliance on China, said the latest statement should not be confused with action.  “We shouldn’t be fooled,” he told RFA. “It’s good that the U.K. should be applauded for taking some symbolic action, but these statements do not achieve accountability. It shouldn’t be confused and conflated with accountability.”  Xinjiang regional expert Adrian Zenz agreed that “writing a letter was good, but it cost you nothing,” he tweeted on X, formerly known as Twitter.  “You are not paying any actual price for your values,” he wrote. “Actions speak louder than words. Actions could include: Effective forced labor ban. Legal atrocity determination. Sanctioning higher level officials.”    Translated by RFA Uyghur. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

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Myanmar activists sentenced to decades in prison

Editor07 mins

Two activists were sentenced to heavy prison terms after participating in anti-regime activities, sources close to the families told Radio Free Asia on Thursday.  Since the country’s 2021 military coup, the junta has imposed harsh punishments on citizens suspected of joining or financing resistance groups.  Tanintharyi resident Yin Yin Cho was sentenced to 32 years in prison for supporting the People’s Defense Forces. Sagaing native Man Zar Myay Mon was sentenced to 11 years in prison last week for his role as a strike leader. Junta soldiers arrested both earlier on initial charges of acts of terrorism. Yin Yin Cho, 34, is a business owner in the southern coastal region’s capital of Dawei. A court found her guilty under three more counts of the country’s Counter-Terrorism Law, including acts committed against the state and acts of terrorism that result in death or injury. She was sentenced in a military court in Dawei last week, according to members of the Dawei Democracy Movement Strike Committee. Man Zar Myay Mon, who is from Chaung-U township in Myanmar’s northern Sagaing region, was sentenced to 11 more years in prison on Wednesday by Monywa Prison Court, said one person close to the family. This is in addition to a 10-year sentence for incitement against the junta, bringing his total to 21 years in prison.  He will serve time for three counts under the Counter-Terrorism Law, including possession or distribution of explosives.  Yin Yin Cho has been sentenced to a total of 44 years in prison. Credit: Citizen journalist Yin Yin Cho has been in prison since May for donating to People’s Defense Forces, and her total sentence is 44 years after a prior charge for terrorism. This is the longest prison sentence a woman from Tanintharyi region has faced since the coup began, said one member of  Dawei Democracy Movement Strike Committee, asking to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals. “Yin Yin Cho was arrested at her home along with her younger brother in January this year. Their garment shop was closed soon after their arrest,” the member of Dawei’s strike committee told RFA. “She is the first who was sentenced to 40 years in prison [in Tanintharyi].”   He added that on the day of her arrest, her younger brother, Thet Zaw Win, was also arrested by the police and army. The court sentenced him to 22 years in prison last week for three counts under the Counter-Terrorism Law for supporting the People’s Defense Forces. Families told RFA they’re concerned about the excessive sentences. The punishment seems long for 20-year-old Man Zar Myay Mon, who never faced any criminal charges before the coup, a source close to the family said. The military council put out a warrant for the young man’s arrest in April 2021, just two months after the coup. Troops shot and arrested him while he was fleeing from Shan Htu village in Chaung-U township on June 8. After his arrest, he was tortured at the Monywa Interrogation Center, said a member of the Chaung-U strike committee, who did not want to be named for security reasons. “His fingers were flipped and broken during the interrogation, so his movement was not normal like before. He was shot in his thigh and injured when he was arrested,” the committee member said. “He was not allowed to receive full medical treatment, and the injuries did not heal in time. In other words, his health is very bad.” He added that Man Zar Myay Mon has not been allowed to meet with family, and was only recently permitted to receive food and medicine through the prison authorities. RFA attempted to contact officials in the Naypyidaw Prisons Department by phone regarding the heavy punishment being imposed on civilians, but they did not respond at the time of publication. The junta has sentenced several young activists nationwide to heavy prison sentences for anti-regime activities. Kyaw Thet, 27, from Mandalay region’s Wundwin township and Aung Khant Oo, 28, from Magway region’s Taungdwingyi township both have sentences surpassing 200 years.  As of Wednesday, there are over 19,000 political prisoners jailed across the country, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners.  Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

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Police arrest former opposition councilor amid call to boycott poll

Editor011 mins

Hong Kong police have arrested a former pro-democracy member of the city’s District Council and prison welfare activist — amid calls for a boycott of forthcoming district elections, which are open to “patriots only.” Derek Chu, a 46-year-old former directly elected councilor who resigned in 2021 before being forced to take an oath of loyalty to the Hong Kong and Chinese governments, was arrested in Shatin on Tuesday on suspicion of breaching the city’s mandatory pension law, police told the paper. His arrest comes as the government moves ahead with an “election” process that will slash the number of directly elected seats on the District Council by 80%, while ensuring that almost nobody in the city’s once-vibrant opposition camp will stand for election again, the result of ongoing arrests of pro-democracy figures and rule changes requiring political vetting. “At about 12 noon, Derek Chu was taken to an office at Manulife Plaza in Kwun Tong by the police for evidence collection,” the report said. “He was later taken to a food store in W Plaza in Mong Kok and Fuk Keung Industrial Building in Tai Kok Tsui for investigation.” Those locations are linked to Chu’s “Migratory Bird” platform to support prisoners, which raised money via the As One online shopping platform – part of the “yellow economic circle of pro-democracy businesses” – to support his prison work. He is currently being held by the Sham Shui Po Crime Division pending further investigation, after his home was also searched and documents confiscated, the paper reported. Pan-democratic legislators announce their resignation from Hong Kong’s Legislative Council in Hong Kong, Nov. 11, 2020. Credit: Tyrone Siu/Reuters Chu was a member of the last directly elected District Council, which saw a landslide victory for pro-democracy candidates amid record turnout that was widely seen as a ringing public endorsement of the 2019 protest movement. He resigned his seat along with many like-minded colleagues amid an ongoing crackdown on dissent under a national security law imposed on the city by Beijing from July 2020. ‘Patriots’ only The government later changed the Legislative Council electoral rules to ensure only “patriots” loyal to Beijing could stand as candidates or hold any kind of public office, prompting record-low turnout of 30.2% in Legislative Council elections in December 2021 compared with more than 70% in the last District Council poll. Officials then rewrote the District Council poll rules in May, citing a “disastrous” result in the 2019 election, sparking calls from overseas activists for a boycott of the forthcoming poll on Dec. 10. “Abandon illusions, boycott this fake election,” read an Oct. 16 statement on Facebook signed by dozens of former pro-democracy councilors. “We, the last district councilors to be elected by the citizens of Hong Kong, solemnly declare that we will not recognize these so-called elections run by the Communist regime of Hong Kong, and call on all citizens of Hong Kong to boycott the election and the councilors it produces,” the statement said. It said candidates wishing to take part have to run a complex gamut of vetting from support for nomination to a slew of official recommendation letters to political background checks, “all of which runs counter to the democratic spirit,” warning that anyone who makes it to the list of candidates is “purely a permitted cheerleader for the regime.” It said the government also looks set to use the “election” as an opportunity to engage in “the political brainwashing of minors.” “This so-called election will actually take place under military totalitarian rule, and can have no fairness or legitimacy,” the councilors wrote. Australia-based former pro-democracy lawmaker Ted Hui, who signed the statement, said the forthcoming poll is a “huge step backwards for democracy” in Hong Kong. “Most of the seats will be controlled by the government,” Hui said. “We believe that it would be best for citizens to totally refuse to take part, to boycott [the election].” ‘Huge step backwards’ Some parties in the democratic camp have said they will field candidates, though it remains to be seen if their bid for candidacy will be accepted. The Democratic Party has said it hopes to field six candidates, and the Association of Democracy and People’s Livelihood wants to field two. Candidates celebrate after winning in the Legislative Council election in Hong Kong, December Dec. 20, 2021. The rules for the election were changed to ensure only ‘patriots’ loyal to Beijing could stand as candidates or hold any kind of public office. Credit: Lam Yik/Reuters But Hui said this could send a dangerous signal about complicity with the authorities, who have told opposition parties to give up any hope of “Western-style democracy” in the city. “One or two [pro-democracy candidates] might pass the test and get nominated, but this will do great harm, because it shows the people of Hong Kong that they agree with this huge step backwards for democracy,” he said. Former district councilor Sam Yip, who also signed the statement, said it was naive of pro-democracy parties to imagine it was worth contesting such elections. “It helps to whitewash these elections, which are illegal, unfair and inconsistent with the whole concept of democracy,” Yip said. “Their actions are actually ruining democracy.” ‘A screening process’ Secretary for Home and Youth Affairs Alice Mak, asked if the government is expecting turnout to fall in this year’s poll, said it wasn’t the most important thing. “We should not just look at the turnout in District Council elections, [which can be] affected by many factors, such as the weather, including whether it rains that day, whether there is a typhoon in the summer, and whether the weather will be too cold,” Mak said. “The most important thing is how to find patriots who sincerely serve the community and citizens through the electoral system,” she said. Former Hong Kong Island Eastern District councilor Derek Ngai, who also resigned to avoid taking his oath, said democrats faced with the oath of loyalty requirement feared being required to pay back two…

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Junta recruits teen soldiers in Myanmar’s delta

Editor04 mins

The junta is increasing quotas this week for villagers to undergo military training in Ayeyarwaddy division, locals told Radio Free Asia. In some villages in Pathein township, six people per village must now enroll. Since late September, soldiers have been visiting townships across the region, driving up conscriptions however they can. Without local laws guiding recruitment in the country’s southern delta region, teenagers are also being forced to join. “In Ayeyarwady region, there is no age limit for militia training,” one Pathein resident who requested anonymity for fear of reprisals said on Tuesday. “The [junta] persuaded young people to also learn to be soldiers.” In Mawlamyinegyun township, teenagers told RFA they were selected after soldiers demanded three participants from their village. But some locals are concerned about the lack of age limit and speaking out against the recruitment of minors. “Enlisting minors into [militia training] is creating child soldiers. They shouldn’t do it because it’s against international law,” one person from Mawlamyinegyun township told RFA, asking for anonymity to protect himself. They added that the people recruited must travel to the Southwestern Regional Military Headquarters in Ayeyarwady division’s capital of Pathein.   Recruiters gave at least 80 people in Ngwe Saung, Pathein and Ngapudaw townships cash bribes to attend.  Local administrators are also enforcing the regime’s orders, leaving many to feel they have no other choice. In some townships, a quota of 30 people must be met and registered for every six villages, said Pathein and Mawlamyinegyun residents. Instead of attending the two-week training, some villagers went into hiding. To combat this problem, soldiers began providing training within communities. The military ordered some people who attended the two-week militia training to return as security guards for their villages, said Pathein residents. But others say they haven’t seen their family members since they left for the training, and do not know where they are. This isn’t the first time the junta has turned to Ayeyarwady division to bolster its numbers. In May and June, widespread conscription in the delta forced several people to flee. Families were forced to pay the army if they didn’t have a family member able to serve, or a fine of over US$50 if that person didn’t want to join the regime troops.  Calls by RFA to junta council spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun seeking comment on this issue went unanswered, as did calls to Ayeyarwady’s junta spokesperson Maung Maung Than. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Elaine Chan

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Myanmar’s Sagaing region sees a resurgence of anti-junta protests

Editor08 mins

Anti-junta protesters have returned to the streets of Myanmar’s Sagaing region, despite intense crackdowns and raids by military forces, organizers of the demonstrations said. Residents in the northwestern region are not only leading armed resistance efforts, but also holding nonviolent protests again as they did in the months following the February 2021 military coup that seized power from the country’s elected government, local activists said.   The takeover triggered a wave of resistance across the country, prompting the military to respond with violence and mass arrests. Despite the crackdowns, citizens took up arms in self-defense, forming groups known as People’s Defense Forces, while the coup also stoked conflicts that had been on the decline in ethnic borderland areas.  Sagaing emerged early on as a hotbed of armed dissent and remains so more than two and a half years after the coup with armed conflicts occurring nearly every day between resistance forces and junta troops. Hundreds of residents of Kani, Mingin, Salingyi, Yinmarbin, Kalay, Khin-U, Ye-U and Chaung-U townships are participating in peaceful public protests that resumed in early October, activists leading the protests said. They are demanding that people cut off the flow of money to the junta’s coffers, boycotting military-owned products and rejecting military-sponsored elections, the sources said.   Protest groups To resurrect the popular movement, protest groups in different townships formed a regional committee on Oct. 1 to better coordinate public marches, Khant Wai Phyo, a member of the Monywa People’s Strike Committee, told Radio Free Asia. “The number of people who can be armed is limited, [but] on the other hand, there is a large majority of people who do not accept the military dictatorship at all,” he said. “Therefore, the public has joined in activities that the majority of the public can do — demonstrating that they do not accept the military.” Nearly 40 protest groups are now active at the township and village levels, he said. Farmers from Khin-U township stage an outlawed plowing protest against the Myanmar junta in northwestern Myanmar’s Sagaing region, Aug. 29, 2023. Credit: Khin-U township True News Information As they did in the period following the coup when people took to the streets to voice their displeasure with the regime, residents are taking huge risks by participating in the anti-regime protests because junta soldiers violently crack down on them, said an official from the Kani Strike Committee.  “Because of such continuous movements, we support [the anti-regime protesters] and strengthen the movement,” he said.  “The movement in Sagaing is strong, [and] people take risks to join the activities,” he said. The people of Sagaing region are not acting out of desperation amid ongoing crackdowns by the junta, but rather are fighting back with a strong will, said Nay Zin Latt, a lawmaker for Sagaing region’s Kanbalu township under the former democratically elected government toppled by the military. “The  junta is attempting to instill fear in the population, though the public is actively participating in public activities in various forms without backing down,” he said. “Even after more than two or three years of the revolution, it still hasn’t weakened.” Boycotts Protesters are urging others in the region not to buy or sell military-owned products, Nay Zin Latt said, to prevent the cash-strapped ruling junta, subjected to international sanctions, from benefiting financially. An official from Kanbalu township People’s Defense Force said locals can easily conduct protests there because the resistance fighters control about 70% of the township.  Junta soldiers “can only stay on their bases with arms,” he said. “As soon as they leave their posts, they will be in enemy territory.” Sagaing region is leading the country’s ongoing resistance movement with a combination of “brains and brawn” to oppose the military dictatorship, said Tay Zar San, an anti-regime protest leader. “During the people’s Spring Revolution, they resisted with brawn by conducting an armed struggle, but on the other hand, they are also [using] their brains to stage popular movements,” he said, referring to the nationwide revolutionary struggle to permanently remove the military from Myanmar’s politics.  The intention of the popular movement is to underline to the international community that despite long military rule, the people continue to oppose the junta. Though popular protests are going strong again, more than 813,000 civilians in Sagaing region have been displaced by armed conflict, according to the latest figure from the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA.  Translated by Htin Aung Kyaw for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

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Three Myanmar teens killed in brutal Sagaing beating

Editor04 mins

Villagers found six bodies after an attack in Sagaing region’s Yinmarbin township, residents told Radio Free Asia on Tuesday. More than 80 troops raided Thea Kone village on Saturday, causing residents to flee. But when locals returned to check the area the following day, six people were arrested. They had returned to feed livestock and were captured by soldiers who were hiding in the village. By Monday, some had been beaten to death, while others were shot, residents said. The victims included Thant Zin Oo, Khant Nay Naing and Than Htike Aung, who were all 17 years old. Maung Lin, Zaw Maung and Zaw Thu were in their 30s.  Zaw Maung was beheaded by the soldiers, according to one resident, who asked to remain anonymous for security reasons. “When the group left on Oct. 15, locals returned to their village because they thought that the area was clear. But half of the junta forces remained hiding in the village,” he told RFA. “They arrested [the six] and they were killed before the troops left the village on Oct. 16. “The corpses were found with bruises and bullet holes from the shooting.”  The bodies were found in a pile at the entrance of Thea Kone village on Monday evening. Residents said they also found a blood-stained wooden stick at the site. One woman said she was afraid to return home after the killings and was still hiding in the area.  “I’ve been fleeing ahead of the troops since Oct. 14, and it has been four days today. I still haven’t returned home,” she told RFA, asking to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals.  “I am afraid that the column will come back. Those arrested were killed while feeding the cattle they left at home. They were not members of people’s defense forces. They were local civilians.” Locals said they did not know the reason for the attack. Thea Kone is an agricultural village with just over 600 residents. Calls to Saing Naing Naing Kyaw, Sagaing region’s junta spokesperson, went unanswered. In July, 14 people were killed in Yinmarbin township in another village raid. The township has been the site of multiple airstrikes and arson attacks by junta forces this year. More than 4,000 civilians have been killed across the country since the military coup in Feb. 2021. according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

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Investigative Journalism Reportika © March 2022 by Ij-Reportika is licensed under CC BY 4.0