US Congress pushes sanctions on HK pension, judicial issues

In a harsh rebuke to China’s tightening authoritarian grip, a new U.S. congressional report has called for sanctions against Hong Kong judges and expanded efforts to protect emigrants’ pension funds. The annual report from the Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC) on Tuesday recommends Congress-authorized sanctions on members of Hong Kong’s judiciary, including foreign nationals serving on the city’s Court of Final Appeal. It also urges action to prevent U.S. financial institutions from cooperating with Hong Kong authorities seeking to deny departing Hong Kongers access to their retirement savings. Restrictions on MPF withdrawal  Commenting on the situation of Hong Kong immigrants being denied access to their MPF (Mandatory Provident Fund) deposits, the CECC says it believes the practice is the Hong Kong government’s way of punishing Hong Kong people who have emigrated overseas by using BNO, or British National (Overseas), status after the National Security Act came into effect.  This has resulted in some 90,000 BNO holders being denied access to their MPF deposits, according to the report.  The CECC cited the U.S.-based Prudential Group and the U.K.-based Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC) for refusing to allow Hong Kong residents to withdraw their MPF deposits after emigrating overseas. Under the Hong Kong Autonomy Act passed in 2020, the U.S. Department of State is required to submit an annual report to Congress on the status of Hong Kong. As such, the CECC has recommended that Congress should direct the Department of State to include in the annual report information on the Hong Kong government’s restriction on the withdrawal of MPF by Hong Kong residents abroad.  The CECC believes that the authorities may consider imposing sanctions on those involved in restricting the freedom of immigration. It also recommended that Congress take further steps to prevent U.S. financial institutions involved in the management of Hong Kong people’s funds from complying with the Hong Kong government’s requests to assist in the infringement of immigration freedoms and to withhold lawfully earned pensions from those involved. Simon Lee, senior lecturer at the School of Accountancy of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, said the Hong Kong government not only lacks political advisers, but also a grasp of the global diplomatic struggle.  “Now the MPF issue has escalated to the U.S. Congress, complicating the situation. It not only embarrasses the central government, but also affects the free flow of funds in Hong Kong and reduces investor confidence,” Lee told Radio Free Asia Cantonese on Nov. 15.  “I think it’s silly to use all sorts of back doors to restrict MPF withdrawals. If unsure, it’s better not to do anything,” he said. Instead, Lee suggested that the local authorities should relax the restrictions to avert any potential sanctions, and send out positive signals that will help maintain Hong Kong’s status as an international financial center.  Judicial independence The CECC also recommends that Congress amend the Hong Kong Autonomy Act to include in its annual report an assessment of Hong Kong’s judicial independence, reflecting faithfully whether the city’s chief executive, or any other body acting on behalf of the Chinese government, has exerted undue influence on its judicial system in a way that infringes on the right to a fair and independent trial guaranteed by the Basic Law.  Based on the assessment results, Congress may impose sanctions on individuals serving in the Hong Kong judiciary, including foreign judges serving in the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal, the report noted.  Samuel Bickett, an American lawyer who used to work in Hong Kong, told RFA Cantonese that Hong Kong no longer had judicial independence and the rule of law to speak of, and that every judge and prosecutor involved in trials under the National Security Act had a role to play in undermining the city’s autonomy.  “I think it’s a sign that different parts of the U.S. government, from Congress to the executive branch, have taken note of the need for further sanctions [against Hong Kong] and the failure of the U.S. government to implement them over the last few years,” Bickett said.  “It’s a good sign that the Hong Kong 47 case, the Stand News case, the Jimmy Lai trial, all of these cases are going to get the attention of the United States and add momentum to the actions of the U.S. Congress and the president.” The CECC was established by the U.S. Congress in 2000 to study, report and make recommendations on how the U.S.-China trade and economic relationship affects U.S. national security. In the past, Congress introduced bills to sanction Hong Kong judges.  Early this month, a bipartisan group of Congress members co-sponsored a bill on sanctions against Hong Kong officials – The Hong Kong Sanctions Act – which involves a list of 49 people and is the first time that a number of Hong Kong National Security Act judges and prosecutors are named in the bill.  Translated by RFA Staff. Edited by Mike Firn and Elaine Chan.

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Thailand backs away from Chinese police patrol plan amid furor

The Thai government has ruled out a proposal for Chinese police to be stationed at tourist hotspots around the kingdom amid a public backlash.  The Tourism Authority of Thailand, TAT, on Sunday said the country was in talks with China about introducing joint police patrols as a way to appease Chinese visitors’ fears about safety. But the announcement sparked an outcry and earned pushback from the national police chief, Gen. Torsak Sukvimol, who said having Chinese officers on Thai soil was “a breach of sovereignty,” according to a report from BenarNews, an affiliate of Radio Free Asia. Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, who is in San Francisco for the APEC summit, said Monday there was no plan to station Chinese police in the country for joint patrols.  Thailand only wanted to exchange information with China on criminal gangs operating in the Southeast Asian nation, Srettha said, according to a report from Bloomberg News. In Bangkok, Tourism Minister Sudawan Wangsuphakijkosol echoed the prime minister’s comments, saying there was “no policy to bring Chinese police” to Thailand. “The Thai police are already adequate … and are working hard to ensure tourist confidence,” he told reporters on Tuesday. TAT Gov. Thapanee Kiatphaibool apologized the same day for the “misunderstanding” and any “negative sentiment” stirred up by her comments. Chinese tourists accounted for a quarter of nearly 40 million tourist arrivals in Thailand in 2019, before the COVID-19 pandemic hit. But visitor numbers from the world’s No 2 economy have been slower to bounce back than anticipated after Beijing lifted its hardline pandemic rules in January. Thailand expects between 4 million and 4.4 million Chinese visitors this year, the TAT said.  On Wednesday, Chinese Ambassador to Thailand Han Zhiqiang paid a courtesy visit to Sudawan to stress the importance of the bilateral relationship.  “China’s government supports Chinese tourists visiting Thailand,” he said in a video posted by the tourism ministry. “This helps stimulate the economy, the tourism industry and, moreover, brings the two countries closer together.” The country’s image as a safe tourist destination for Chinese has been knocked by a spate of recent kidnap-for-ransom cases and reports of people being tricked into being trafficked as workers at scam call centers in nearby Myanmar. A shooting spree that left three people dead, including one Chinese national, at a popular Bangkok shopping mall last month has also raised safety concerns. The presence of Chinese police on foreign soil has become a sensitive issue worldwide after it was revealed by Spain-based Safeguard Defenders group in a September 2022 report that China was carrying out transnational policing operations across five continents, without the approval of the jurisdictions they were operating in.  The report said the operations “eschew official bilateral police and judicial cooperation and violate the international rule of law, and may violate the territorial integrity of third countries involved in setting up a parallel policing mechanism using illegal methods.” BenarNews is an online news outlet affiliated with Radio Free Asia.

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China’s consumption up in Oct, underlying economic weaknesses remain

China’s domestic consumption improved in October, bolstered by enhanced numbers in travel and spending during the Golden Week – National Day – holiday in the earlier part of the month, the latest data show. Retail sales, a barometer of domestic demand, were up 7.6% to 4.33 trillion yuan (US$598 billion) last month, on the year, and also a 2.1 percentage point rise from the previous month, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. “From the perspective of demand, in October, driven by the continued effects of consumption-boosting policies, the relatively strong demand for travel during the National Day holiday and the pre-sales from the Singles Day festival, both the market and sales growth have strengthened,” said Liu Aihua, the bureau’s chief economist and spokesperson on Wednesday during a press conference in Beijing.  The uptrend, Liu added, showed that “the rebound in consumer demand was relatively significant.” In a broader perspective, China’s industrial output grew 4.6% in October, climbing marginally from the 4.6% pace in September.  Fixed asset investment for the first 10 months climbed 2.9% from a year ago, but was 0.2 percentage point lower than that of the first nine months. While investment in infrastructure and manufacturing grew 5.9% and 6.2% respectively, that for the country’s embattled real estate development sank 9.3%. Liu pointed out that the industrial output number represented “corporate efficiency, the profits of industrial enterprises above designated size have turned positive year-on-year growth for two consecutive months.” “Whether it is from demand, production, or efficiency, the macroeconomic recovery is quite obvious,” she said. She added that monetary conditions were sound as seen from the increase in broad money supply – which includes bank deposits – for October from the People’s Bank of China data on Monday.  The central bank figures showed that new loans – indicative of economic activities – grew to 738.4 billion yuan (US$101.97 billion) last month, an increase of 105.8 billion yuan from a year ago, but down from the 2.31 trillion yuan in loans extended in September. The latest figures could indicate the resilience of China’s economy in the short term, an expert noted, adding that it is picking up its growth pace.  “The figures are an early indication that China’s economy is regaining momentum after the negative economic impact from COVID-19,” said James Downes, head of the Politics and Public Administration Program at Hong Kong Metropolitan University. Downes, however, cautioned the need for observation of the nation’s long-term economic resilience, advising against making hasty conclusions about China’s economy. Structural problems In fact, China continues to face structural challenges that could exert downward pressure on its economy in the long term. A spiraling property market and mounting local government debt risks, flanked by slower global growth are some of the pressing issues.  The biggest concern for both China and the international community could be the weakening of China’s property market, which may pose a risk of spillover effects on other markets around the globe. The international investment community has witnessed China’s deteriorating real estate market in recent months, and some have borne the brunt of credit defaults from the country’s indebted developers China Evergrande and Country Garden.  A general view of a construction site of residential buildings by Chinese developer Country Garden in Tianjin, China August 18, 2023. (Credit: Reuters) Adding to the concern, the statistics bureau on Wednesday released numbers reflecting the sector’s continued downturn. Property and related industries are estimated to contribute to a quarter of the gross domestic product. At the end of last month, unsold floor area for all commercial properties surged 18.1%, of which that for residential real estate soared by 19.7%, compared with October 2022. Funds raised by developers dropped 13.8% to 10.73 trillion yuan (US$1.48 trillion) in the first 10 months of the year. Domestic loans into real estate dropped 11% while foreign investments plunged 40.3% in the 10 months. Sales for commercial and residential properties slipped 4.9% and 3.7% in the 10-month period respectively.  Beijing has also been ramping up measures to prop up the economy. It announced last month a 1 trillion yuan government bond issuance, which allows local governments to frontload part of their 2024 bond quotas. Beyond its shores, geopolitical tensions continue to weigh on China’s economy, preventing it from potential further growth.  The long term resilience of China’s economy may be tied to its relations with the U.S., on how well it cooperates with the world’s biggest economy and its allies that would give it a larger market access.  China must maintain its access to international markets and attract foreign investment to counteract potential impacts like those from a property market slump and avoid any impediments to its economic growth. “The US and China should seek to put aside their political differences and in the long-term work together on a number of key global issues,” Downes said. U.S. President Joe Biden is set to meet his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping in San Francisco on Wednesday, where the two are expected to discuss a variety of issues including economic cooperation. Despite high anticipation, expectations for a breakthrough in economic cooperation from the meeting are modest, considering the bilateral all-out rivalry. Downes suggested that the areas where the two could concentrate might be climate change and Artificial Intelligence (AI), emphasizing the need to first find common ground.  Edited by Taejun Kang and Mike Firn.

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Another junta battalion surrenders to rebels in Myanmar’s Shan state

A light infantry battalion with more than 120 troops surrendered to ethnic rebels – the second time in two weeks that a battalion belonging to Myanmar’s military junta has laid down arms to rebel forces in northern Shan state. The entire Light Infantry Battalion 129, including its commander and 134 family members, surrendered on Sunday to the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance, a spokesman for the rebel group told Radio Free Asia. “We welcome the soldiers who have surrendered to us,” MNDAA spokesman Li Kyarwen said. “We are also safeguarding them. The injured persons are getting medical treatment. We have safely transported them to their expected destination.”  Each of the junta soldiers was awarded 1 million kyat (US$476) while one family member was given an additional 100,000 kyat (US$47), Li Kyarwen said. The junta battalion was based near the border with China in Laukkaing, one of about a half dozen areas in Shan state targeted during a coordinated military offensive launched last month by an alliance of three ethnic armies. Reports show that the Three Brotherhood Alliance – made up of the MNDAA and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army in Shan state and the Arakan Army in Rakhine state – has taken some 150 military camps in battles throughout Shan state, causing alarm among top military brass.  On Oct. 30, all 41 members of Light Infantry Battalion 143, including a deputy commander and two company commanders, surrendered to the MNDAA in Shan’s Kunlong township. A total of 127 Myanmar army soldiers and 134 of their family members – 261 people – surrendered to the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance on Nov. 12, 2023 in northern Shan state. Credit: Three Brotherhood Alliance Junta chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing said last week that the alliance’s Operation 1027 – named for the date that the offensive began – could “break the country into pieces” if left unchecked.  RFA attempted to contact a spokesman for the military junta for comment on the latest battalion surrender, but phone calls went unanswered on Tuesday. No reinforcements On Sunday, the junta declared martial law in eight townships in Shan state, including Laukkaing.  But troops in the region haven’t received military reinforcements recently, which must have been a contributing factor in the battalion’s choice to give up, said Than Soe Naing, a military and political observer.  “They didn’t think that it was worthy for them to sacrifice the lives of more than 200 people, including soldiers and their families,” he said. “In this helpless situation, they made the decision to surrender.” That was the right decision for commanders to make, said Captain Lin Htet Aung, a former military officer who joined the non-violent Civil Disobedience Movement, or CDM, in opposition to the junta. “We have seen considerable losses to the military in recent battles, and we haven’t heard the military express condolences or offer encouragement,” he said. “So, junta soldiers should think about whether they should sacrifice their lives to protect these leaders.” Junta forces also suffered a loss during fighting on Monday near the Indian border in western Myanmar’s Chin state. More than 40 junta soldiers fled across the border and were later handed back to Myanmar authorities by Indian forces. Additionally, fighting between the Arakan Army and junta troops in Rakhine state has intensified in recent days. And in northeastern Myanmar, Karenni Nationalities Defense Force targeted junta bases in Loikaw University and a prison in the capital of Kayah state on Saturday. Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster.

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APEC 2023: Xi heads for US in closely-watched summit with Biden

Even as the world watches keenly as China’s President Xi Jinping meets his American counterpart Joe Biden on Wednesday, expectations of what could transpire in a climate of fraught bilateral relations marred by a tech war and regional tensions are modest. Xi is heading to San Francisco where he is due to meet Biden on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, the first time in a year since the two met in Bali, Indonesia. Some experts, while not anticipating a change in the trajectory of the U.S.-China relationship, are hopeful that the talks will deliver some results such as the formal resumption of military-to-military relations. Diplomatic and commercial dialogues between the two have resumed after the downing of the Chinese balloon earlier this year, pointed out Zhang Baohui, director of the Centre for Asian Pacific Studies at Lingnan University.  “The two sides have even begun strategic dialogues on nuclear and maritime issues. However, the U.S. wants to reopen military to military dialogues to prevent inadvertent incidents. This meeting between the top leaders should remove the hurdle for military-to-military exchanges. “If so, this should be a significant development as the world is very concerned by the prospect of military conflicts between the two countries in sensitive areas like the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea,” Zhang said.  To be sure, the White House National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan told reporters on Monday that both sides will discuss strengthening communications and managing competition responsibly so that the U.S.-China relationship “does not veer into conflict” during the summit.  “The way we achieve that is through intense diplomacy,” said Sullivan. He added that there are areas where “interests overlap,” such as efforts to effectively manage competition that could be done by reestablishing military-to-military communications. Incremental outcomes If there were any outcomes to come from the Xi-Biden summit, Ian Chong, a political scientist from the National University of Singapore believes they would be “incremental, but nonetheless important” to maintain the momentum of expanding dialogue. “Such effects will not be seen immediately after the meeting. Rather, they may unfold as more areas come under discussion in the following months to inject more predictability into the U.S.-PRC relationship to avoid unintended escalation, even as competition continues,” Chong said, referring to China’s formal name, the People’s Republic of China. “Xi probably seeks to press the PRC’s case on Taiwan and the South China Sea, while probing the U.S. on trade and technology and seeking more predictably in the bilateral relationship,” he noted.  “Biden will likely reiterate U.S. positions on Taiwan and the South China Sea, while seeking more stability in the bilateral relationship. They may try to gauge each other’s positions on the Israel-Hamas conflict, Russian aggression in Ukraine, climate, and AI.” U.S. President Joe Biden meets with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the G20 leaders’ summit in Bali, Indonesia, November 14, 2022. (Source: Reuters) Another area of contention that is expected to be discussed is semiconductors in light of the recent chip export ban by Biden, alongside the push for generative AI in both the U.S. and China, observed James Downes, head of the Politics and Public Administration Programme at Hong Kong Metropolitan University. “The key achievable issues or goals will likely relate to the ongoing tech war between both countries,” said Downes. “The Biden-Xi Summit will be much more successful if both sides focus on economic issues, as opposed to long-term and divisive geopolitical issues.” According to Lingnan University’s Zhang, Xi will no doubt pressure the U.S. to relax technology denial measures against China, but he believes the U.S. is unlikely to yield on this issue.  “Technological competition constitutes a central place in the overall U.S. competition strategy,” he explained. Zhang believes that Xi will try to persuade Biden to return the relationship to cooperation, away from strategic competition, seeking a U.S. commitment that it does not support Taiwan’s quest for independence. Biden, in contrast, will seek to stabilize the competition to prevent “conflict” by pursuing more measures to build “guardrails” for its competition with China, like the resumption of military-to-military dialogues.  “The US will assure Beijing that it will follow the One China principle. Nonetheless, deepening security cooperation between Washington and Taipei will continue to bother Beijing and lead to contentious relations with the US.” Seeking specific outcomes Meanwhile, Sullivan said the U.S. is looking for specific outcomes in the overlapped areas of interests from the summit, which include efforts to combat the illicit fentanyl trade and discussion between the two leaders on critical global issues such as Russia’s war against Ukraine, and the evolving crisis in the Middle East. Given China’s stance on the Middle East conflict, there may be a potential that the leaders may agree-at-large, in expressing the importance of peace in the region. China’s deputy permanent representative to the United Nations, Geng Shuang, said in New York on Monday that establishing peace in the region was an important task for Beijing.  However, it could be challenging for Biden and Xi to release a joint agreement on criticizing Hamas as Beijing has traditionally shown a less sympathetic stance on Israel, when compared to that of the U.S. This difference in diplomatic approaches may complicate the leaders in reaching a more detailed consensus on the Israel-Hamas war.  In fact, according to Xinhua News Agency, Geng expressed “shock and concern” over statements made by Israeli officials regarding nuclear weapons usage in Gaza Strip, labeling the Israeli remarks as “irresponsible and troubling.” While Geng condemned the idea of using nuclear weapons, largely aligning with the international community and the Non Proliferation Treaty principles, the senior diplomat did not specifically address or criticize the actions of Hamas, which have led to civilian casualties. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.

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China calls on businesses to join hands with state sector

China’s ruling Communist Party is calling on the country’s businesses to invest in infrastructure projects to stimulate domestic demand and reboot the flagging economy, but analysts said the plan looks like an attempt to seize private sector assets as governments across the country run out of money. Under the plan, the government will allocate “franchises” to invest in infrastructure projects on a “user pays” or “build-operate-transfer” basis, according to an official statement. The government wants private companies “deeply involved” in attempts to stimulate domestic demand through public-private partnerships and joint ventures with state-owned companies. Stakes will be allocated depending on how “market-sensitive” an industry or a project is, according to guidelines for the “new mechanism” issued by the State Development and Reform Commission. The idea is to hand out “franchises” for projects that could benefit from private-sector assets and know-how, under a scheme that Beijing is hoping will bring local government finances “into the sunshine” and “curb new, hidden debt carried by local governments,” according to the guidelines, published by the State Council on Nov. 3. The plan seeks to expand on 10 years of the government’s “public-private partnership” policy, which has coincided with growing government controls on big technology firms and the introduction of ruling Chinese Communist Party committees into private enterprises. While officials have denied that their vision of a “unified market” under tight regulation is another way of saying a planned economy, the ruling party has recently announced it will crack down on an “unruly” financial sector, using “Marxist financial theory” to stave off systemic risks and boost the economy. Growing debt burdens Local governments have seen their coffers drained by three years of society-wide COVID-19 restrictions, as well as a sharp fall in land transfer fees – which once made up 40% of local fiscal revenues – and other property-related income.  They are now struggling with an ever-mounting debt burden, prompting officials to borrow more to pay back old debts, and to raid the coffers of medical insurance funds to make ends meet, resulting in cuts to medical benefits and mass protests in major cities in February. The “new mechanism” still means that the state-owned sector will advance “at the expense of the private sector, said Simon Lee, senior lecturer in accounting and finance at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. “These are all experiments – they are looking for a sustainable model for economic growth,” Lee said, adding that he wasn’t surprised by the current direction being taken in Beijing. “If they find out that ultimately this way is unworkable, it will have an impact on economic development,” he warned. A screen displays an image of the Jinzhou 25-1 oilfield at the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) booth during the 2021 China International Fair for Trade in Services in Beijing, Sept. 4, 2021. The government plans to allocate “franchises” to invest in infrastructure projects on a “user pays” or “build-operate-transfer” basis. Credit: Florence Lo/Reuters The new “franchises” will focus on “user pays” projects with clear charging channels and income streams, and must incur no new local government borrowing, according to the guidelines. The projects will run on “build-operate-transfer” principles or similar models, with the rights, ownership and responsibilities made clear in each franchise agreement. They can include highways, railways, civil aviation infrastructure, transportation and logistics hubs, urban utilities, parking lots, as well as sports and tourism facilities, the guidelines say. “Priority will be given to private enterprises,” the guidelines say, adding that private companies could wind up with stakes as low as 35% in projects with a high degree of importance for the national economy and people’s livelihood. But there are penalties for companies deemed not to have delivered what the government wanted. “If the public products and services provided do not meet the standards agreed in the franchise agreement, the franchisee shall bear liability for breach of contract in accordance with the agreement,” the rules state. Asset grab? Current affairs commentator Fang Yuan said the overall effect will be an asset-grab by the public sector. “In essence, this is a rebranding of an expansion of state control of the economy,” Fang said. “Firstly, the cooperation between state-owned enterprises and private companies [envisaged here] is unequal,” Fang said. “State-owned enterprises will provide an empty shell, while the private companies keep investing, but the private companies own small stakes and don’t control [the franchise-holding entity].” “In the past, when there have been disputes between state-owned enterprises and private companies, the private companies have lost out due to the imbalance of power,” Fang said. “As soon as a dispute occurs, the assets of private enterprises will be swallowed up by state-owned enterprises.” However, the government says it is seeking applications from private enterprises to control or wholly own franchises in waste treatment, leisure facilities, logistics hubs, sports facilities and tourist facilities, as well utilities, rail and other transportation links, as well as rural power grids, oil and gas pipelines and water conservation infrastructure, including hydropower, the guidelines say. “We welcome private enterprises to actively participate in the reform of state-owned enterprises and to promote their in-depth integration into various types of ownership structure,” Yuan Ye, deputy director of the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of the State Council, told a recent enterprise reform conference. ‘Hungry children’ He said state-owned companies at the central government level have already invested in more than 13,000 private companies, adding that the government favors mutual stakeholding as a model for public-private partnerships. Yuan said that while state-owned companies have been approaching private companies to forge cooperation arrangements for some time, private enterprises are now being invited to make such approaches too. But financial commentator Si Ling said the move is an indirect way for the government to lay hands on some of the assets accumulated by the private sector over the past four decades of rapid economic growth. “Private enterprises are still rich, and the government wouldn’t seek to use this money unless it was as a last resort,”…

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Taiwan delegation welcomed to APEC Summit: AIT chairperson

In a rare move by a high-ranking member of the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), which serves as the de facto U.S. Embassy in the island, the United States has expressed its support for Taiwan’s delegation to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum in San Francisco.  Speaking at the annual Thanksgiving Dinner of the Taiwanese Association of America Greater Washington Chapter in Washington on Nov. 11, AIT Chairperson Laura Rosenberger said the U.S. encourages and supports Taiwan’s “meaningful” participation in international organizations.  Rosenberger also said her focus is on opportunities for continued cooperation between the U.S. and Taiwan, while stressing that the U.S.-Taiwan partnership has expanded and deepened significantly in recent years under the Taiwan Relations Act, particularly in economic security and civil relations, as well as in expanding Taiwan’s role in the international arena. She mentioned the tremendous growth in economic ties, particularly the two-way U.S.-Taiwan investment that has created a resilient high-tech ecosystem between both sides, and in turn, a resilient global supply chain.  Rosenberger added that the U.S. continues to support Taiwan’s efforts to enhance its self-defense capabilities, increase resilience, and strengthen deterrence, which helps maintain cross-Strait peace and stability.  The Biden administration is using the full range of congressionally mandated tools, such as presidential appropriations authority and foreign military financing, in an effort to ensure that Taiwan has adequate self-defense capabilities, said Rosenberger. Commenting on Taiwan’s upcoming presidential election, Rosenberger noted that the U.S. has full confidence in the island’s democratic processes and free and fair elections.  She stressed that Washington opposes any outside interference in Taiwan’s elections and looks forward to working with any elected leaders in Taiwan. Rosenberger’s remarks came before the APEC summit, which runs from Nov. 11 – 17 in San Francisco, and will be the stage for a key encounter between U.S. President Joe Biden and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping, who have a face-to-face meeting on Wednesday.  Although this meeting is not the central agenda of the summit, taking place on the sidelines, it has sparked speculation about the topics of discussion between the two leaders. China’s ambassador to Washington, Xie Feng, said on Nov. 9, that the U.S. “should avoid playing with fire or crossing the line” on “sensitive” issues like Taiwan, and warned U.S. leaders that “a good host needs to avoid creating any new trouble or obstacle.” Translated by RFA Staff. Edited by Elaine Chan and Mike Firn.

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Junta expands use of radio shows, Telegram app to boost propaganda

Myanmar’s military junta is increasingly using state media outlets for propaganda purposes while it continues its crack down on independent news outlets, several journalists have told Radio Free Asia. The junta has ramped up its use of its channel on the messaging app Telegram to distribute its information, according to the reporters. In addition, there are a number of pro-junta Telegram channels that then amplify the junta’s propaganda. “People need to be vigilant against fake news,” Sein Win, newsroom management editor for Mizzima Media. “It is a traditional and common strategy of the military since long, long ago. People might be trapped in their propaganda.” The junta has revoked the licenses of four publishers and two printing houses since the junta seized power in a Feb. 1, 2021, coup d’etat. Some 14 media outlets including Mizzima, Democratic Voice of Burma and The Irrawaddy have also lost their licenses.  Last month, junta troops raided and shuttered independent news outlet Development Media Group in Rakhine state, arresting one reporter and a guard. The news outlet covers armed conflict and human rights violations in the western state that borders Bangladesh. But junta-controlled media such as Thazin FM continue to operate. Every Wednesday, the outlet broadcasts its “Public Voices Among Public” call-in program. Most of the callers are just parroting junta-approved talking points, several residents of the Yangon and Sagaing regions told RFA. Journalists cover a protest against Myanmar’s junta in Myaynigone, Yangon, on Feb. 27, 2021. Credit: RFA The general message repeated on the program is that the National Unity Government, or NUG, and the anti-junta People’s Defense Force paramilitaries are creating problems that worsen people’s lives. The NUG is made up of leaders in the former civilian government and other anti-junta activists. Junta leader’s visit to friendly media outlets Thazin FM also inserts a variety of songs that carry junta messages into the call-in program, a Khin-U township resident told RFA on condition of anonymity. But the propaganda won’t be enough to counteract what many people are experiencing, he said. “We love to listen to a variety of music, including modern songs,” he said. “But actually, people are suffering various hardships in daily life.” In June, junta chief Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing spoke about the need for more public interest and educational programs during visits to Thazin FM and the military-owned Myawaddy Television. “The military council is preventing spread of accurate information to the world, to the people and to its forces by cracking down on independent media and by creating fake news,” said Nay Phone Latt, the spokesman for NUG’s Office of the Prime Minister. “In addition, they have developed fake media agencies to spread misinformation.” Junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun didn’t immediately reply to RFA’s request for comment on the junta’s use of propaganda. Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Matt Reed.

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Cambodia’s Hun Manet goes up against the private sector

On November 13, Cambodia’s princeling prime minister, Hun Manet, will meet with Cambodia’s aggravated private sector for his administration’s first Government-Private Sector Forum which his nascent government has been preparing for months. There has already been a public furore over the likely rise in taxation, which Hun Manet has denied will happen, but anyone with sense knows it must happen.  The property sector is in a very bad way. Worse is the banking sector, where high private debt has everyone on alter and is leading to sleepless nights amongst the middle classes—domestic credit to the private sector stands at 182 percent of GDP as of last year, according to a World Bank report from last month (p. 46). By comparison, in China, it was 220 percent. Hun Manet greets supporters during a campaign rally in Phnom Penh in July 2023. Prime Minister, Hun Manet, will meet with Cambodia’s aggravated private sector for his administration’s first Government-Private Sector Forum in November which his nascent government has been preparing for months. Credit: Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP Wetting our appetites, Hun Manet has suggested that he will announce new policies, including for the property sector, later this month. One could be to allow foreigners to buy villas in gated communities (boreys), where most of the toxic credit in the property sector seems to be.  At the same time, however, Hun Manet will be being told by his elders—including his father, Hun Sen, Cambodia’s ruler for almost four decades—that he cannot give away too much to the private sector. Hun Manet is an inexperienced, slightly hollow leader whose legitimacy is tied to being his father’s chosen successor, not any of his own achievements (yet). No ‘social bargain’ The upcoming forum will be a moment when some people in the private sector—those expected to fund the lavish lifestyles of the political nobility and the increasing tax burdens of the state, but without getting an actual seat at the political table—think they can gain an advantage.  There is no “social bargain” in Cambodia between the political nobility and commoners. If the economy goes pear-shaped, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won’t voluntarily resign from power, nor would it allow the masses to openly protest on the streets. However, there is a delicate bargain between the political nobility and the private sector. The task for all authoritarian regimes is this: how do you ensure that the private sector pays the piper but doesn’t call the tune? After all, why maintain the political nobility (which is rentier in nature) when the private sector isn’t getting something in return? Why not go over the heads of the political rent-seekers?  A man rides a cart in Phnom Penh, Sept. 2023. Credit: Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP This dynamic isn’t specific to Cambodia. In China and Vietnam, the defining policies of Xi Jinping and Nguyen Phu Trong, the two communist parties’ general secretaries, have been a mammoth crackdown on the private sector that reasserts the communists’ monopoly on power as part of vast anti-corruption campaigns. Why? Because authoritarian governments only have to be good at one thing: denying space for any alternative to their authority. But private sectors would be an alternative if they weren’t constrained, as seemed to be the case in both communist states before 2012, the year Xi and Trong came to power. Indeed, businesses and tycoons might start demanding the predictability of the rule of law and private property rights; they might want a direct say in politics; they might start to publicly criticize their political masters (think Jack Ma of Alibaba!); and they might protest by denying the state the taxation it needs to survive.  Splurging on titles How do you rectify this? You co-opt the private sector; you turn a blind eye to its dodgy actions; you create policies favorable to its advancement; you intermarry your political nobility with the economic elites; you arrest outspoken individuals for corruption to set an example of what happens if someone steps out of line. During its succession process this year, the CPP in Cambodia has tried to appease the private sector. It has splurged on the number of oknha titles it awarded; as of June 2023, there were 1,299 people with the honorific, although the number grew after the July general elections The number of land concessions and other corrupt practices also boomed. The Cambodia Oknha Association was launched in June by Cambodia’s most prominent tycoons, with Hun Sen as honorary president. Ostensibly a way for the ruling party to collect “charitable” donations, it is actually a way for the most powerful oknha to constrain their lessors and do Hun Sen’s bidding. Hun Manet’s government now has 1,422 secretaries or undersecretaries of state, more than double the number his father’s government had. Many of these positions are bought and allow the occupiers to extract patronage payments. Moreover, the new administration has vowed to run the country in a more technocratic and economic-minded manner.  A woman on a motorcycle laden with goods rides past a Rolls-Royce at a car dealership in Phnom Penh in 2014. Credit: Samrang Pring/Reuters The apparent insinuation is that it will focus on finances, not playing at geopolitics. It has maintained or appointed ministers whom the private sector trusts. Aun Pornmoniroth, the powerful finance minister, kept his job and is now the real architect of government policy. Sok Chenda Sophea, formerly the head of the Council for the Development of Cambodia, the government body tasked with attracting and managing foreign investment, is now foreign minister. Keo Rottanak, the new Minister of Mines and Energy, was managing director of the state-owned electricity provider Electricite du Cambodge. Chheang Ra, the new health minister, was director of the state-run Calmette Hospital. However, constraining the private sector and economic barons will become a lot more difficult. Things were easier in the past when the lifestyles of the political nobility were relatively cheap (a few billion dollars) and when the Cambodian state had a small budget that was primarily funded by foreign…

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Beijing tests Manila’s nerves in disputed reef

China was once again trying to block Philippine ships from delivering supplies to the troops stationed at the Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea on Friday. Earlier in the day, “China Coast Guard (CCG) and Chinese Maritime Militia (CMM) vessels recklessly harassed, blocked, executed dangerous maneuvers in another attempt to illegally impede or obstruct a routine resupply and rotation mission to BRP Sierra Madre (LS 57) at Ayungin Shoal (Second Thomas Shoal),” the National Task Force for the West Philippine Sea said in a statement. The West Philippine Sea is the name that Filipinos use for waters claimed by Manila in the South China Sea. “CCG vessel 5203 deployed water cannon against Philippine supply vessel M/L Kalayaan,” it said. M/L, or motor launch, implies a small-sized, motor-powered boat.  The Kalayaan and another supply boat, the Unaizah Mae 1, were “also subjected to extremely reckless and dangerous harassment at close proximity” by Chinese vessels inside the shoal’s lagoon during their approach to BRP Sierra Madre, said the Philippine National Task Force.   “Nonetheless, both supply boats were able to successfully reach LS 57 (BRP Sierra Madre),” it said. “We condemn, once again, China’s latest unprovoked acts of coercion and dangerous maneuvers … that has put the lives of our people at risk.” Manila deliberately ran the World War II-era Sierra Madre aground in 1999 to serve as its outpost at the shoal and has to dispatch ships on a regular basis to deliver fresh supplies to the military personnel there. The Philippines’ rotation and resupply (RoRe) missions have recently been increasingly impeded and blocked by Chinese ships. Philippine ships were surrounded by a large number of Chinese vessels, Nov. 10, 2023. Credit: Ray Powell on X In a graphic provided by Ray Powell from the U.S. Gordian Knot Center for National Security Innovation, Philippine Coast Guard ships accompanying the two supply boats were surrounded by a large number of Chinese vessels. “In total, 24 Chinese ships were involved in the incident, including four Coast Guard ships. The rest were maritime militia ships,” Powell said. Continuing blockade “Beijing is testing Manila’s nerves,” said Malcolm Davis, a defense analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI). “China will keep on conducting such blockades with the hope that Manila will give up its RoRe missions but it won’t happen,” Davis told Radio Free Asia. When and how the United States, the Philippines’ treaty ally, will get involved remains to be seen, according to the analyst. By a mutual defense treaty, Washington is obliged to defend its ally in the case the latter is being attacked. The U.S. has repeatedly said that Article IV of the 1951 U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty “extends to armed attacks on Philippine armed forces, public vessels, and aircraft – including those of its Coast Guard – anywhere in the South China Sea.” The Chinese Coast Guard quickly issued a statement calling Manila’s mission “illegal.” Spokesperson Gan Yu said that “two small transport ships and three coast guard ships from the Philippines entered the waters adjacent to Ren’ai Reef (Chinese name for Second Thomas Shoal) in China’s Nansha (Spratly) Islands without permission from the Chinese government.” “The Chinese Coast Guard follows Philippine ships in accordance with the law, takes control measures, and makes temporary special arrangements for the Philippines to transport food and other necessary daily supplies,” Gan said. “The Philippines’ actions violate China’s territorial sovereignty, violate the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, and violate its own commitments,” he said, “We urge the Philippines to immediately stop its infringing actions.” For its part, Manila said the Philippine Embassy in China “has demarched the Chinese foreign ministry and protested” against China’s actions. As of Nov. 7, the Philippines has made 58 diplomatic protests against what it sees as China’s violations of its sovereignty in the South China Sea. Last month Manila summoned the Chinese ambassador to the Philippines to protest over two similar incidents, one of which led to a small collision of ships. Second Thomas Shoal is about 200 kilometers (124 miles) from the Philippine island of Palawan, and more than 1,000 kilometers from China’s Hainan island. It is claimed  by the Philippines, China, Vietnam and Taiwan, but is located inside the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone (EEZ). Edited by Mike Firn and Elaine Chan. BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.

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