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Category: East Asia
China hawk Marco Rubio nominated for US secretary of state
WASHINGTON – Marco Rubio, a strident foreign policy “hawk” when it comes to relations with China, has been nominated by President-elect Donald Trump to serve as the next U.S. secretary of state. The Republican senator from Trump’s adopted home state of Florida is almost certain to be confirmed as America’s top diplomat by his soon-to-be former colleagues, with the Republican Party now controlling the Senate with a 53-47 majority over the Democrats. Rubio’s nomination Wednesday completes a trifecta of China “hawks” in the three most important foreign policy picks for a president. He joins Rep. Mike Waltz of Florida, who will be appointed Trump’s national security adviser, and Rep. Elise Stefanik of New York, who has been nominated to be ambassador to the United Nations. In a statement released on his Truth Social platform, Trump called Rubio “a Highly Respected Leader” and “a very powerful Voice for Freedom” who would represent America well on the world stage. “He will be a strong Advocate for our Nation, a true friend to our Allies, and a fearless Warrior who will never back down to our adversaries,” Trump said, adding that Rubio as a senator had “authored hundreds of new laws, including some that are truly transformational.” In his own statement, Rubio called the role of secretary of state “a tremendous responsibility” and said that he was “honored by the trust President Trump has placed in me” in making the nomination. “As Secretary of State, I will work every day to carry out his foreign policy agenda,” he added. “Under the leadership of President Trump, we will deliver peace through strength and always put the interests of Americans and America above all else.” From foes to friends It’s a remarkable turnaround in relations between the two Floridians, who along with Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas were the last three standing candidates for the Republican presidential nomination in 2016. Trump easily brushed aside Rubio to secure the nomination and then the presidency, referring to the senator derisively and repeatedly as “Little Marco” while accusing him of being in the pocket of lobbyists. Rubio equally did not hold back, accusing Trump of using “illegal immigrant labor” to build Trump Tower in New York City and of only having found business success because of an inheritance from his father. But the pair seemed to make peace during Trump’s most recent run for office, with Rubio even being vetted as a possible vice president pick. Former President Donald Trump greets Sen. Marco Rubio during a campaign rally in Raleigh, North Carolina, on Nov. 4, 2024. Rubio also has some support across the aisle, with Sen. John Fetterman, a Democrat from Pennsylvania, indicating that he plans to vote in favor of his nomination to the post. Sanctioned secretary If confirmed, Rubio would be the first sitting U.S. secretary of state to have been sanctioned by Beijing, having been blacklisted in retaliation for U.S. sanctions on Chinese officials for the genocide against the Uyghur ethnic minority and for the crackdown in Hong Kong. But there is already some skepticism of the influence he will have in the Trump administration, even if it is set to be dominated by China hawks. Former Rep. Adam Kinzinger, who was one of the few Republicans in the House of Representatives to vote to impeach Trump during his last term in office, said he thought Rubio might be kept on a tight leash. “Marco has shown his ability to kind of change for whatever Donald Trump demands, so it really comes down to, ‘What does Donald Trump demand?’” Kinzinger said in an interview with CNN on Monday. Edited by Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Jakarta seeks to contain fallout from South China Sea agreement with Beijing
JAKARTA – Indonesia is seeking to contain the fallout from a maritime cooperation agreement with China that analysts say appears to indicate a softening of Jakarta’s stance on Beijing’s expansive claims in the South China Sea. A joint statement released after a meeting between Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing on Saturday said the two countries had reached an “important common understanding on joint development in areas of overlapping claims.” This “understanding” or agreement compromised Indonesia’s territorial and maritime rights, most regional experts said. One security analyst. though, noted on X that a clause stating that the cooperation would proceed only under the laws of both countries may mean the agreement will end up dead in the water. Jakarta had consistently rejected the Beijing-set boundary, which encompasses most of the South China Sea and encroaches into Jakarta’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) north of the Natuna islands, noted Eddy Pratomo, an ex-member of the Indonesian government’s law of the sea negotiation team. “[But] with this Indonesia-China joint statement, it appears Indonesia is now acknowledging overlapping claims,” Eddy, an international law professor at Diponegoro University, told RFA affiliate BenarNews. “This could be seen as tacit recognition of China’s dashed-line claim over the South China Sea, particularly around the North Natuna Sea,” he said. Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr (L) walks with Indonesia�s President-elect Prabowo Subianto during a courtesy call at Malacanang Palace in Manila on September 20, 2024. Opposition lawmaker Tubagus Hasanuddin, a member of the defense and foreign affairs committee in Indonesia’s House of Representatives, questioned the government’s approach to handling sensitive regional issues, particularly concerning the South China Sea. “The Foreign Ministry needs to exercise greater caution and responsiveness in handling official statements,” he said in a press release. “They shouldn’t act as a ‘firefighter’ only when problems arise.” He also raised concerns about the potential consequences of such an agreement for Indonesian fishermen, citing past instances of Chinese vessels entering Indonesian waters and engaging in illegal fishing. “Will this economic cooperation benefit us? Will Chinese fishing vessels then be free to roam in the Natuna area to catch our fish?” One clause in the joint cooperation agreement, however, could mean it would not go through, said Euan Graham, senior analyst at The Australian Strategic Policy Institute. “[T]he reference to “prevailing laws” means [the] agreement may be difficult for Prabowo to push through,” he noted on X. The part of the joint statement Graham is referring to says that the joint development would be “based on the principles of ‘mutual respect, equality, mutual benefit, flexibility, pragmatism, and consensus-building,’ pursuant to their respective prevailing laws and regulations.” Several analysts noted that Prabowo or Foreign Minister Sugiono needed to soon clarify what exactly the joint development was referring to and how the wording got into the joint statement. ‘Potential slippery slope’ The Indonesia-China joint development agreement has consequences not just for Indonesia but could potentially reshape geopolitical dynamics in Southeast Asia and draw responses from the United States and Japan, said international law expert Hikmahanto Juwana. “Countries in dispute with China will question Indonesia’s position,” Hikmahanto, a University of Indonesia professor, told BenarNews. The Indonesian government’s agreement with China might reflect a pragmatic alignment with a major political power, but it could potentially destabilize the region, said Muhammad Waffaa Kharisma, an international relations researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). “In the short term, this statement may benefit Indonesia by easing tensions with China, particularly by reducing the likelihood of coast guard confrontations in the South China Sea,” he said. “However, in the long term, it could harm Indonesia’s standing with Southeast Asian neighbors. This is a potential slippery slope.” Pizaro Gozali Idrus in Jakarta contributed to this report. BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
China hawk to steer Trump’s national security
Michael Waltz, a Republican congressman from Florida, will be President-elect Donald Trump’s pick for national security advisor– a position in which he is likely to play an outsized role in shaping China policy. Waltz, 50, has long been hawkish on Beijing. A former Green Beret who served in Afghanistan, the Middle East and Africa, he won several Bronze Stars, including two for valor, for his service. Waltz then worked in policy at the Pentagon and served as an advisor to former Republican Vice President Dick Cheney. In 2018, he was elected to Congress and became known as one of its most hardline members on China. He serves on the House Foreign Affairs, Armed Services and Intelligence Committees. Waltz has also been on the House China Task Force, which examines how the U.S. can best compete with China. He has called for additional support for Taiwan, saying on X in May 2023 that the U.S. should start “arming Taiwan NOW before it’s too late.” In addition, he’s demanded that China put an end to human rights abuses in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and called for the U.S. to boycott the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing. Waltz used to feel frustrated by the deferential manner shown by another Republican president, George W. Bush, in the White House Situation Room. In his 2014 book, Warrior Diplomat: A Green Beret’s Battles from Washington to Afghanistan, he wrote of sitting in during a tense videoconference with then-President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan and lamenting Bush’s failure to be firmer. “Unfortunately, really sticking it to Karzai was not Bush’s style,” Waltz wrote. The atmosphere in the second Trump White House will be dramatically different. Waltz will move to the front of the Situation Room. And Trump, known for “sticking it to” any number of people, will have his own style. RELATED STORIES China expecting harder times after Trump victory Asian leaders congratulate Trump on US election victory Asians see Trump offering tougher policies on China, despite contradictions Yet Waltz‘s uncompromising views could also create tension with Trump, despite the President-elect signalling that he will be tough on China says June Teufel Dreyer of the University of Miami Coral’ and author of China’s Political System: Modernization and Tradition. Waltz “is distrustful of the People’s Republic of China and its motives,” she says. “He does not believe in the hype that we can work together in peace and friendship.” Trump has threatened to slap tariffs on Chinese goods and sought confrontation with Beijing over intellectual property, technology and other economic issues. Those efforts are likely to continue when he takes office. But at the same time, he has expressed admiration for the Chinese leader, Xi Jinping. He has called Xi a “brilliant guy” and praised him for his success at becoming “president for life.” Teufel Dreyer says that Trump may decide at some point to take a more deferential approach to Xi, and this could cause a rift between Trump and his advisor. “Waltz is not a shrinking violet. He’s willing to speak his mind,” she says. “He’s not going to back down.” The unpredictable nature of the White House has far-reaching implications. So does the track record of the incoming national security advisor and his hawkish views. “There will be efforts to crack down on the bad behavior of China – how they are ripping off American goods, as well as the spying—that’s going to be top of mind for Waltz,” predicts Brett Bruen, a former director of global engagement on the National Security Council in the Obama White House. “If I’m sitting in the Chinese foreign ministry office, these are worrying signs.” Edited by Boer Deng and Abby Seiff We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Hong Kong ‘upgrades’ lamppost that matched Tiananmen massacre date
Authorities in Hong Kong have been going to extraordinary lengths to avoid shining a light on some of the more negative aspects of recent Chinese history, and thereby angering Beijing. Officials have changed the name of a lamppost whose official number contained an inadvertent reference to the 1989 Tiananmen massacre. The move suggests local officials are keen to avoid getting into trouble with the ruling Chinese Communist Party, which bans public references to the bloodshed that ended weeks of pro-democracy demonstrations on Beijing’s Tiananmen Square, and would prefer to keep the public in the dark. The lamppost is located next to a footbridge between Yu Wing Path and Ma Tin Road in Hong Kong’s Yuen Long district, close to the internal border with mainland China, and was once labeled “FA8964,” which could be read as code for “June 4, 1989,” a politically sensitive keyword that is banned on the Chinese internet. The old number was clearly visible on Google Streetview on Nov. 8, but RFA Cantonese found that the actual number had been changed to “DG8332” in an on-the-ground investigation on the same day, while the lamppost had been repainted with a sign warning of “wet paint.” A lamppost in Yuen Long marked “FA8964″—a reference to the June 4 incident—recently had its number changed, sparking criticism. A government database of lamppost locations that is used to help residents report the precise location of crimes showed that lampposts numbered “FA8963” and “FA8966” were still listed, but a query on Nov. 8 for lamppost “FA8964” resulted in the message “data not found.” The city’s Highways Department told Radio Free Asia in response to a query about the disappeared number that lampposts are sometimes given new numbers when new streetlights are installed, their position changed, or the equipment renovated. While Hong Kong isn’t yet subject to China’s Great Firewall of blanket internet censorship, some websites linked to the pro-democracy movement are blocked by internet service providers in the city. The website of the London-based rights group Hong Kong Watch is also blocked. The city has used a High Court injunction to force YouTube and other providers to remove references to the banned protest anthem “Glory to Hong Kong,” and arrested local residents for “seditious” posts on Facebook. While the city’s 7 million residents are able to search Google and other sites for information on the People’s Liberation Army’s 1989 killing of civilians in Beijing, authorities have removed hundreds of books from public libraries in recent years, including those referencing the massacre. Local residents said they thought the lamppost’s “upgrade” was pretty pointless. “Changing the number is just going to draw more attention to it,” former Yuen Long district councilor Kisslan Chan told RFA Cantonese in a recent interview. “But there are always people who want to get promoted.” He said he didn’t think the order had come from higher up, but suggested that local officials were trying to demonstrate zeal amid an ongoing crackdown on public dissent in the city. Former district councilor Leslie Chan said the move showed just how sensitive the authorities were, however, citing the High Court injunction on “Glory to Hong Kong.” “It’s the same reason … that such a powerful ruling party is afraid of a song,” Leslie Chan said. “Beijing fears the number 8964 more than anything.” A local resident who gave only the surname Chan for fear of reprisals said the move was a waste of public funds. “They could have used that money to help people,” she said. Translated by Luisetta Mudie. RELATED STORIES YouTube blocks banned Hong Kong protest anthem ‘Glory to Hong Kong’ Hong Kong removes hundreds of politically sensitive books from public libraries The 1989 Tiananmen massacre – as seen by a new generation of watchful eyes We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Chinese state TV drama about Xi’s father fails to impress
China’s state broadcaster has launched a historical TV show with an all-star cast dramatizing the role of President Xi Jinping’s father Xi Zhongxun in the communist revolution, although social media reaction and commentators suggest that young people in China would rather watch “Stranger Things.” Read our report on how CCP has established its propaganda using soft power propaganda network : Soft Power Propaganda Network of Chinese Cinema “When the wind blew from the northwest, the revolutionaries … watered their faith with their own blood and lived their lives in hope,” state broadcaster CCTV said in a Weibo post announcing the launch of the 39-episode TV series with a short trailer on Nov. 5. “I’m Xi Zhongxun,” whispers a youthful version of the revolutionary veteran over footage of idealistic young men saluting the communist flag and charging into battle. “I will forever fight for the struggling masses with all my might,” he pledges over full-costume footage of historic battles amid the yellow dust of northwest China, with red flags appearing in nearly every shot. “I make revolution with the Communist Party because it’s through them that I saw the light of truth, and was given something to fight for,” the character says. Later, the narrator intones: “Xi Zhongxun, a leader of the people who came from the people,” followed by a shot in which the elder Xi plays with his young son, Xi Jinping, driving home a political point about the current Chinese leader’s lineage. Personality cult The show comes amid growing signs of a Mao-style personality cult around Xi, as institutions and political figures compete to show the utmost loyalty to Xi and his personal brand of political ideology, including via propaganda movies and TV shows. The latest show, titled “The Northwest Years,” tells the story of the elder Xi’s role as a young man in the war against the Japanese in the country’s northwest, defending China’s borders and promoting land reforms to free farming communities from the yoke of local landlords. Chinese President Xi Jinping, on screen, delivers a speech during the celebrations of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China at Tiananmen Square in Beijing on July 1, 2021. “Nobody’s going to watch this kind of show unless they have to,” Gao said, adding that the role played by Xi Zhongxun in the 1969 Ninth Party Congress headed by late supreme leader Mao Zedong had been hugely inflated. “Xi Zhongxun was very low-ranking at the time of the Ninth National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, and played a very small role only,” he said. “I saw a scene showing him raising the curtain for Mao Zedong … which I think is a bit over the top.” But he said audiences were still unlikely to be impressed, despite the lavish costume and set design. “People are no longer interested in these dramas, which have nothing to do with the lives of ordinary people,” he told RFA Mandarin in a recent interview. He said such shows no longer have the captive audiences via free-to-air state broadcasters that they used to enjoy, as people can now go online for their entertainment. A resident of the northern province of Shaanxi who gave only the surname Li for fear of reprisals said Xi Zhongxun was more of a political than a military leader. “Xi Zhongxun’s most important political achievement was to instigate the Hengshan Uprising, which was a rebellion of two divisions of the National Revolutionary Army stationed in Yulin, in all about 5,000 to 6,000 people,” Li said. “This uprising cleared the obstacles for the Yan’an troops to move northward and ensured the safety of Mao Zedong’s troops based in Yan’an,” he said. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Jailed Tibetan community leader denied retrial
Read a version of this story in Tibetan Chinese authorities in Tibet have denied to retry an envirnomental activist who is serving a seven-year sentence for campaigning against government corruption, his lawyer said on social media. Anya Sengdra, 53, a resident of Kyangchu township in Gade (in Chinese, Gande) county in the Golog (Guoluo) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture has already served six years of his sentence for “disturbing social order” after he complained online about corrupt officials, illegal mining and the hunting of protected wildlife. He was convicted and sentenced in 2019, and has attempted to appeal the decision twice before, his lawyer Lin Qilei said in a post on X on Tuesday. “This marks the third appeal for a retrial submitted to the Sixth Circuit Court of the Supreme People’s Court in Xi’an,” Lin said on X. “As usual, I filled out the necessary forms and waited in line. After some time, a judge came out and informed me that they had decided not to review Sengdra’s case,” Lin said. “He advised me not to return to the court regarding this matter in the future.” RELATED STORIES UN Human Rights Experts Call on China to Free Jailed Tibetan Community Leader Tibetan activist detained for exposing illegal sand, gravel mining In 2020, a group of UN human rights experts appealed to the Chinese government, urging them to dismiss the charges against him. Earlier this month, the Chinese authorities detained Tsogon Tsering, a Tibetan environmental activist from Sichuan province after he made a rare public appeal on social media for action against a company he accused of illegally extracting sand and gravel from a river. Tsering has remained in custody since then and his whereabouts are still unknown. Edited by Tenzin Dickyi, Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
UN climate change case ‘particularly relevant’ following Trump election win: lawyer
An international legal judgment on governments’ obligations to prevent human-driven climate change has become more crucial after Donald Trump’s election victory raised the prospect of the U.S. again withdrawing from the landmark Paris agreement, a lawyer in the case said. The U.N.’s International Court of Justice, or ICJ, is set to begin hearings on Dec. 2 that will culminate in it issuing an opinion on states’ responsibilities and the legal consequences for countries that fail to act. More than 130 nations – but not top polluters China and the U.S. – supported a push by Pacific island nation of written statements ever filed in an advisory proceeding before the court. The court also received dozens of written responses to the initial submissions. It extended the deadline for written submissions several times. China and the U.S. both made written submissions, as have organizations such as OPEC and the International Union for Conservation of Nature. Regenvanu said in a statement Hurricane Milton last month showed the U.S., like Pacific island nations, increasingly faces extreme weather. “This is a shared problem that will not solve itself without international cooperation, and we will continue to make that case to the incoming president of one of the world’s largest polluters,” he said. Edited by Mike Firn. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Climate ‘flashpoint’ looms for Trump’s China-centric focus on Pacific: US analysts
Growing U.S. security and diplomatic ties with Pacific island nations are unlikely to slow even if American foreign policy undergoes a major shake-up during Donald Trump’s second term, say former White House advisers and analysts. Following decades of neglect, Washington has in recent years embarked on a Pacific charm offensive to counter the growing influence of China in the region. While Trump’s unpredictably and climate change skepticism could be potential flashpoints in relations, deepening U.S. engagement with the Pacific is now firmly a consensus issue in Washington. Trump is likely to maintain focus on the relationship, experts say, but he will have to prove that U.S. attention extends beyond just security-related matters. “President Trump saw a strategic rationale for increased engagement in the Indo-Pacific and increased engagement in the Pacific islands,” said Alexander Gray, a senior fellow in national security affairs at the American Foreign Policy Council. “While the reality is that the security lens is going to galvanize our commitment of resources and time on the region, it’s important for us to send a message that we have other interests beyond just security,” added Gray, who was the first-ever director for Oceania & Indo-Pacific security at the National Security Council. “We have to show an interest in development, economic assistance and economic growth.” A number of firsts Trump’s first term between 2017-21 contained a number of firsts for relations between the world’s No. 1 economy and Pacific islands. PHOTO President Joe Biden (R) meets with presidents of Pacific island nations at the U.S.-Pacific Island Country Summit in Washington, D.C., Sept. 29, 2022. Paik, who is now a senior fellow with the Australia Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the climate factor would complicate the relationship, but it was unlikely to “completely sink” it. Despite Trump’s open skepticism about dangerous planet warming, U.S. support for resilience efforts across the Pacific might not be affected, some observers said. “The Pacific certainly didn’t agree with us on our macro approach to climate change,” said Gray, who visited the region a number of times, including for the 2019 Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) in Tuvalu. “But we made tremendous progress in advancing our relationships in the region because we were able to talk about resilience issues that affect people day to day.” Shared values, mutual respect Following Trump’s sweeping victory on Tuesday, Pacific island leaders tried to stress their shared interests with the U.S. “We look forward to reinforcing the longstanding partnership between our nations, grounded in shared values and mutual respect,” said Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape. Tonga’s Prime Minister Siaosi Sovaleni and Fiji’s Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabukia both said they looked forward to advancing bilateral relations and Pacific interests. Pacific island nations have sought to benefit from the China-U.S. rivalry by securing more aid and foreign investment. But they have expressed alarm that their region is being turned into a geopolitical battleground. Reilly said a danger for any new president was treating the Pacific islands as a “geopolitical chess board.” “That’s a terrible way to actually engage and win hearts and minds and build enduring partnerships,” he said. Paik said the U.S. now needs to build on the successes of the first phase of American re-engagement. The U.S. renewed its compact of free association deals with Micronesia, Palau and the Marshall Islands earlier this year, but “some of the implementation is still pending,” she said. The deals give the U.S. military exclusive access to their vast ocean territories in exchange for funding and the right for their citizens to live and work in the U.S. “Some of the embassies have been opened, but we still only have one or two diplomats on the ground,” said Paik. “We still need to open an embassy in Kiribati and potentially other locations. “We need to get ambassadors out to the region. We need a permanent ambassador to the PIF.” No sitting U.S. president has ever visited a Pacific island nation. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Exclusive: How Chinese nationalism is sending jitters through the Arctic
This story was reported with the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation. Read their story here On an early morning in late July, a luxury expedition cruise ship, boasting the latest in high-end Arctic travel, made a slow approach to the docks of Ny-Ålesund, a remote settlement in Norway’s Svalbard Islands. At 79 degrees north latitude, Ny-Ålesund is the northernmost inhabited outpost on Earth. Isolated in the Arctic’s desolate winter, it hosts just 30 year-round residents. Newayer, a Chinese travel agency, chartered the vessel for 183 tourists from Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Beijing. Each passenger paid at least $13,000 for a two-week “Three Arctic Islands” tour, marketed as an exclusive opportunity to reach the “top of the Earth,” complete with “the luxury of Chinese hospitality.” Clad in matching red jackets bearing a polar bear logo, the travelers disembarked at their first stop: China’s Yellow River Research Station in Ny-Ålesund. There they marked the 20th anniversary of the station – one of several research facilities established on Svalbard by different nations. More than 100 Chinese tourists waved national flags beneath a Chinese Communist Party-style banner hung on the research station’s door. The travel agency’s blog likened the celebration to “raising the Chinese national flag during the Olympics.” Among the participants, a woman in a People’s Liberation Army, or PLA, uniform was seen saluting and posing for photos. A PLA Ground Force patch is visible on her right arm, two professional cameras are slung over her shoulders. “The big picture of China’s ambitions in the Arctic is that it reflects a clear, long-term strategic goal: China wants to be a significant presence in the Arctic,” says Isaac Kardon, a senior fellow for China Studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a Washington D.C. think tank. Since declaring itself a “near-Arctic state” in 2018—despite lacking territorial claims—China has steadily built its presence through legal, military, commercial, and individual channels. Svalbard has become the latest frontline. An Arctic Battleground for Great Powers A remote Norwegian archipelago roughly twice the size of Hawaii, Svalbard lies less than 1,000 kilometers from the North Pole, some 650 kilometers north of mainland Norway. Chinese tourists celebrate for a drone-style video at China’s Yellow River Research Station in Svalbard, Norway, July 2024 Entering the ‘gray zone’ Fan Li, the CEO of Newayer, the tour agency, told RFA and NRK that their tour group informed the research station of its plans to stage a celebration at Yellow River, and to hang banners and wave Chinese flags outside the station. The station never objected or even raised it as an issue. “The staff at the Yellow River Station came out to engage with us, and everyone was quite happy about that,” Li told RFA and NRK. A video of the tour group’s celebration was posted to Newayer’s social media account. It further features eight guests telling the camera that they are PLA veterans and perform coordinated military salutes to China while a patriotic song plays as a soundtrack. Afterward, passengers gathered to share their stories of service in the PLA. Li said that the presence of veterans on board was merely a “coincidence” and that when Newayer realized the connection, the company organized a ceremony and incorporated the clip into its video. According to Li, all of those featured were retired, as it’s difficult for active military members in China to travel abroad. However, one cruise participant, who identifies herself in the video as Yin Liu, was photographed wearing military garb bearing the insignia of the PLA on Svalbard. On camera, Liu says she enlisted in 1976 and fought in Vietnam in 1984 and gave the name of her unit. Ying Yu Lin, an expert on the PLA at Tamkang University in Taiwan, identified Liu’s fatigues as a “Type 21” training uniform issued by China’s Ministry of Defense in 2023. It is restricted to military personnel and would not be accessible to civilians, Lin said. The “Type 21” uniform can be seen on the Chinese Defense Department website. Members of China’s Arctic expedition team, based at the Yellow River Research Station, take a boat out for sampling on the Austre Lovenbreen glacier in Svalbard, Norway, June 22, 2024. Questions of diplomacy But sources familiar with diplomatic discussions say that Norway is unlikely to take a leading role in pushing back against China. “Like many countries, Norway just doesn’t have a lot of equities in its dealings with China,” says Kardon. Overt criticism or perceived slights can cause notable damage, like in 2010, when Beijing banned imports of Norwegian salmon after its Nobel committee awarded the Peace Prize to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. But as long as that’s the case, room for more muscular tactics in the Arctic will grow. Last month as China celebrated the 75th anniversary of the People’s Republic, the Chinese Coast Guard engaged in joint operations with Russian forces in the Arctic. This was preceded in September by a meeting of Russian and Chinese officials in Beijing to discuss economic development and resource extraction in the region, and earlier, a Chinese and Russian meeting in Svalbard to explore opening a joint research center in Pyramiden, a former Soviet mining hub on the islands. “So if you’re looking for a pattern here, I would say this is the latest version of what China and Russia are trying to do—find a way to get to the red line without crossing it,” says Lanteigne, referring to the Yellow River celebration incident. “It is a very subtle signal, one that really demonstrates that China is now starting to deviate more directly from Norway regarding what is and is not proper activity on Svalbard.” Lanteigne views this as a pressing challenge that the Norwegian government must confront head-on. “I think there needs to be the understanding that with the Arctic beginning to militarize as a whole, Svalbard is caught in it, whether it likes it or not.” Edited by Boer Deng We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
The New Star War? Key to Winning the AI and Semiconductor Race
In March 1983, US President Ronald Reagan delivered his iconic Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) speech, known as “Star Wars,” which ignited an arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union centered on missile defense systems. Today, a similar race is unfolding between China and the United States, this time focused on Artificial Intelligence (AI) and its backbone, semiconductors. These technologies are viewed as strategic assets vital to national security, and whoever secures the upper hand will likely dominate global leadership. The U.S. currently holds a technological edge over China in both AI and semiconductors, bolstered by export controls designed to slow China’s progress. Yet, the geopolitical rivalry is unlikely to subside, regardless of who occupies the White House. The emergence of a “trust alliance” among democratic nations and the push for self-sufficiency within pro-China regimes are expected to accelerate the decoupling of the tech landscape into distinct spheres of influence. The Role of the “CRINK” Group The Halifax Forum’s term “CRINK”—representing China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea—has drawn comparisons to the Axis powers of World War II. However, such an ideological lens oversimplifies the complexities of today’s geopolitical landscape. Unlike the WWII era, today’s world is deeply interconnected through globalization, with China playing a pivotal role in global manufacturing and supply chains as well as the largest market for those products. China’s economic footprint is significant: it produces one-third of the world’s manufacturing output, including 72% of flat-panel displays, 36% of electronic products like smartphones and PCs, and two-thirds of electric vehicles (EVs). It is also the largest consumer market for EVs, industrial robots, and semiconductor equipment. Any comparison to Cold War dynamics must take into account this interdependence. The CRINK nations, especially China, Russia, and Iran, also control substantial shares of global resources, such as minerals, crude oil, natural gas, and rare earth elements that are critical to global production. Addressing Asymmetric Dependence The West faces a dilemma: how to reduce dependence on China without destabilizing global supply chains. The U.S. and its allies have focused on increasing resilience by diversifying sources of supply, but this strategy only tackles one side of the problem. Without reducing reliance on China as a consumer market, these efforts may fall short. This is not a call for erecting a new “iron curtain” to divide the world but rather a recognition that the democratic world has underinvested in innovation and market development. More must be done to stimulate demand for AI, semiconductors, and related components within trusted allied countries. If new chips made in America and Europe lack viable markets for assembly and sale outside of China, these efforts risk becoming redundant. The Challenge of Enforcement Recent events illustrate the complexity of enforcing tech restrictions. GlobalFoundries was fined by the U.S. Department of Commerce for supplying chips to an affiliate of SMIC, a Chinese semiconductor company on the U.S. Entity List. Similarly, a TSMC chip was discovered in a Huawei processor, highlighting gaps in oversight and the difficulty of monitoring supply chain loopholes. The U.S. approach of adding more companies to the Entity List is akin to a game of whack-a-mole—reactive and unsustainable. Huawei’s founder Ren Zhengfei has underscored this challenge, noting that with 99% of Chinese companies unaffected by U.S. sanctions, workarounds are almost inevitable. Huawei can obtain chips indirectly, buying from third or fourth-tier customers of TSMC, which only comes to light through painstaking reverse engineering. Similarly, SMIC and other sanctioned firms can establish new affiliates to circumvent restrictions, exposing the limits of self-regulation and due diligence. The Motivation Behind SMIC’s Moves While media coverage has focused on the immediate facts, less attention has been given to the motivations behind SMIC’s clandestine purchases from GlobalFoundries. Despite significant investments in expanding mature node capacity with dozens of new fabs, why does SMIC continue to source chips from other manufacturers? This suggests that advanced technology or strategic stockpiling may still be critical for sanctioned entities, or even attempts at technology theft by reverse engineering, revealing deeper vulnerabilities in the current enforcement strategy. The Path Forward for the Democratic Alliance Forming a “trust alliance” that shares technology securely is crucial, but it must go beyond reactive measures. Are there robust mechanisms to prevent sanctioned chips from being falsified and re-entering the global market? Simply adding trade tariffs as a deterrent to China’s exports may not work. The need to address the asymmetry of both supply and demand dependencies in China cannot be underestimated. The democratic world must shift from a reactive posture to a proactive strategy. This involves investing in innovation, building demand for AI and semiconductors within allied markets, and fortifying tools to track down product sales endpoints and counter falsifications for regulatory frameworks to close loopholes. Without such foresight, the democratic camp risks repeating the fate of the Soviet Union and its allies during the original “Star Wars” era—falling behind due to a lack of comprehensive strategy. By fostering resilience and innovation, the trust alliance can ensure it remains competitive and secure in the evolving geopolitical landscape. About the Author Judy Lin is the Deputy Editor At Large of Taiwan’s CommonWealth Magazine English Website and founder/editor in chief of TechSoda.online. She has covered Semiconductor, AI, and Geopolitics during her tenure as lead reporter and managing editor of DIGITIMES Asia and Foreign Exchange Market/Macroeconomics for Reuters Taiwan. Source : Link (Investigative Journalism Reportika has obtained the author’s authorization for reproducing the content).
