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Category: ASEAN

Marshall Islands wins Human Rights Council seat with climate, nuclear justice agenda

Editor06 mins

Marshall Islands was elected on Wednesday to sit on the United Nations Human Rights Council, or HRC, from next year, with climate change and nuclear justice as its top priorities. Currently there are no Pacific island nations represented on the 47-member peak U.N. human rights body. Marshall Islands stood with the full backing of the Pacific Islands Forum, or PIF, and its 18 presidents and prime ministers. The HRC’s mission is to promote and protect human rights and oversee U.N. processes including investigative mechanisms and to advise the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Addressing the General Assembly in September, Marshall Islands President Hilda Heine warned that “common multilateral progress is failing us in the hour of greatest need, perhaps most at risk are human rights.” She said accountability must apply to all nations “without exception or double standard.” “Our own unique legacy and complex challenges with nuclear testing impacts, with climate change, and other fundamental challenges, informs our perspective, that the voices of the most vulnerable must never be drowned out,” she said in New York on Sept. 25. Aerial view of a surge of unexpected waves swamping the island of Roi-Namur in the Marshall Islands, pictured Jan. 21, 2024. (Jessica Dambruc /U.S. Army Garrison-Kwajalein Atoll/AFP) In 2011, Marshall Islands along with Palau issued a pioneering call at the General Assembly to urgently seek an advisory opinion on climate change from the International Court of Justice on industrialized nations’ obligations to reduce carbon emissions. While they were unsuccessful then, it laid the foundation for a resolution finally adopted in 2023, with the court due to begin public hearings this December. Heine has been highly critical of the wealthy nations who “break their pledges, as they double down on fossil fuels.” “This failure of leadership must stop. No new coal mines, no new gas fields, no new oil wells,” she told the General Assembly. When Marshall Islands takes up its council seat next year, it will be alongside Indonesia and France. Both have been in Heine’s sights over the human and self-determination rights of the indigenous people of the Papuan provinces and New Caledonia respectively. For years Indonesia has rebuffed a request from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights for an independent fact-finding mission in Papua and ignored the Pacific Islands Forum’s calls since 2019 to allow it to go ahead. “We support ongoing Forum engagement with Indonesia and West Papua, to better understand stakeholders, and to ensure human rights,” she told the General Assembly. In May, deadly violence erupted in New Caledonia over a now abandoned French government proposal to dilute the Kanak vote, putting the success of any future independence referendum for the territory out of reach. Heine said she “looks forward to the upcoming high-level visit” by PIF leaders to New Caledonia. No dates have been agreed. President of the Republic of the Marshall Islands Hilda Heine addresses the 79th United Nations General Assembly at U.N. headquarters in New York, U.S., Sept. 25, 2024. (Reuters/Eduardo Munoz) Countries elected to the council are expected to demonstrate their commitment to the U.N.’s human rights standards and mechanisms. An analysis of Marshall Islands votes during its only previous term with the council in 2021 by Geneva-based think tank Universal Rights Group found it joined the consensus or voted in favor of almost all resolutions. Exceptions include resolutions on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories where it “has generally voted against,” the report released ahead of the HRC election said. As part of its bid to join the council, Marshall Islands committed to reviewing U.N. instruments it has not yet signed, including protocols on civil and political rights, abolition of the death penalty, torture and rights of children. BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Myanmar junta expands mandatory remittance for migrant workers

Editor06 mins

 Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese. Myanmar workers in Laos must remit a quarter of their salary back home, the junta’s minister of labor said, the latest cohort of migrant workers forced to exchange earnings at an artificially low rate as the military struggles to acquire foreign currency. The Ministry of Labor has already implemented increasingly strict measures on migrant workers in neighboring Thailand to pay taxes, remit part of their salary at an artificially low exchange rate through junta-owned banks and pay additional fees to receive vital documentation.  On Tuesday, Minister of Labor Myint Naung met Myanmar factory workers in Vientiane to tell them remittances needed to be submitted through “official channels,” his ministry said in a statement. Myanmar’s economy has been in freefall since the generals ousted an elected government in early 2021, bringing tentative political reforms and economic growth to a halt and ushering in bloody turmoil. Foreign investment has dropped precipitously in the three and a half years since the coup while overall, the economy has contracted by nearly 20%, according to the World Bank. Myanmar’s 2024 gross domestic product growth estimates have been halved to 1%, in large part due to widespread conflict and junta mismanagement. Desperate for foreign exchange, the junta has increasingly turned to tapping its many migrant workers. In Laos, where hundreds of thousands of Myanmar workers are believed to be employed in services, agriculture and manufacturing, workers fretted about how much of their money would be left after the new deduction through official junta channels, in addition to a 2% tax they are required to pay the Myanmar embassy. “For basic workers like us, it’s not OK at all,” said one worker who declined to be identified for safety reasons. “We’re only getting 80 yuan (US$11) a day and then we have to subtract the cost of food. After that, we have to transfer our salary through a broker,” said the worker at a factory where wages are paid in the Chinese currency.  Myint Naing, in a speech outside of the Alpilao International Sole Limited garment factory, said workers could make the transfer once a month, or for up to three months at a time. “Whether it’s using official banking systems, through the Central Bank of Myanmar from someone who has a Remittance Business License, or it’s an international money transfer service linked through a bank system, you must transfer the money to your family,” he said. But the worker said the exchange rate the junta set was crippling. “It’s so low. After sending it through the places they say we have to use to transfer, what’s left isn’t enough for our families,” he said. The civilian shadow National Unity Government, or NUG, that was set up after the coup by members of the ousted civilian administration, has denounced the junta’s rules for migrant workers as a systematic violation of their rights.  “Both the military and its finances are in crisis,” the NUG’s vice labor minister, Kyaw Ni, said in a statement. “As the military’s failures increase, they need to replenish with money from people. So they’re turning to workers in Laos.”  RELATED STORIES: Political instability since coup prompts foreign investment exit from Myanmar  Shuttered Thai offices leave Myanmar migrants in legal limbo Thai police detain 26,000 migrant workers from Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Myanmar junta forces kill, mutilate villagers, insurgents say

Editor08 mins

Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese. Myanmar junta soldiers massacred and mutilated at least 25 villagers in revenge for an insurgent attack and impaled some of the victims on stakes as a warning, anti-junta forces in the strife-torn central region of Sagaing told Radio Free Asia on Wednesday. Various pro-democracy insurgent factions in Sagaing have been waging a sustained guerrilla campaign on the military this year, attacking junta positions and convoys in the arid, heartland region dominated by members of the majority Burman community. The bloody military campaign in Budalin township, about 100 kilometers (62 miles) northwest of the city of Mandalay, followed a Sept. 30 insurgent attack on a military position near Si Par village in which 30 junta troops were killed and 40 were captured, insurgents said.  A junta column of more than 100 soldiers started raiding villages in Budalin on Oct. 4, arresting scores of people as well as killing suspected rebels sympathizers over the next two weeks, Min Han Htet, a senior member of an insurgent faction called the Student Armed Forces, told RFA. “We’ve determined that they’ve killed no less than 25 people. The nature of the killings was very cruel,” he said.  “They decapitated them, they cut off their arms and legs. The corpses were planted on fences. Those are the types of scenes we’ve encountered.” RFA tried to contact the junta’s main spokesperson, Zaw Min Tun, to ask about the situation in Sagaing but he did not answer the telephone. The Office of the Chief of Army Staff denied in a statement on Monday that soldiers had killed six people in Si Par village.  Min Han Htet said seven people from Myauk Kyi village were killed, six from Si Par, six from Budalin town, two from Ta Yaw Taw village, one from Se Taw and several others who had yet to be accounted for. Details from areas being occupied by the military, including Saing Pyin Lay village, were difficult to ascertain, an aid group said. The soldiers responsible for the killings were under the authority of the Northwest Military Command, based in the town of Monywa, and included members of the 33rd Battalion, insurgent sources said. About 300 homes were burned in the security sweep by junta forces, who were backed up by numerous airstrikes, Min Han Htet said. Residents of the region estimated that more than 100,000 people had fled from their homes in the area. Internally displaced people in Budalin township, Sagaing region, on May 21, 2024. ( Citizen Photo) ‘March on’ Thet Oo, information officer for the Sagaing People’s Support Network, which tries to help victims of the conflict, said nearly 15,000 displaced people were in urgent need of help. “What they mainly need are things like rice, cooking oil and other provisions, as well as medicines to care for their health,” he said. “If they stay in their village during storms and rain, in the cool and wet seasons, they need shelters.” The United Nations says more than 3 million people have been displaced by the fighting in Myanmar this year. The shadow civilian National Unity Government, or NUG, set up by pro-democracy politicians after the military overthrew a civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi in early 2021, denounced the killing and mutilation of villagers and reiterated a call for the outside world to stop supplying arms to a military that murders its people. “What does the international community expect of a terrorist group that commits such cruel atrocities?” said the NUG’s Minister of Human Rights Aung Myo Min. “People are dying. This isn’t a time to meet and talk about hopes for peace. Their actions aren’t indicative of peace,” he said, referring to a recent call by the junta for talks, which the opposition dismissed as window-dressing for a foreign audience. The NUG said at least 23 people were killed in Budalin township between Oct. 11 and Oct. 20, in 17 raids by the military, which included airstrikes on five villages. Junta forces had also used scores of villagers as human shields, the NUG’s Ministry of Human Rights said in a statement. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners rights group said 26 people, including six childrens, were killed in Sagaing, this month, up to Oct. 22. Eleven of them died after being detained, it said. Min Han Htet said his group would step up its fight. “Although the enemy tries to scare us, we urge everyone to march on, unafraid, with our students and other revolutionary forces in Sagaing,” he said. RELATED STORIES A new generation in Myanmar risks their lives for change No limits to lawlessness of Myanmar’s predatory regime Month of fighting leaves once-bustling Myanmar town eerily quiet  Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Chea Mony: Leader of Cambodia’s new opposition party

Editor011 mins

It was in his first job as a teacher 30 years ago that Chea Mony, who last month became head of Cambodia’s newest opposition party, got involved in activism. Together with another young math teacher, Rong Chhun — who later became a prominent labor activist — they formed a teachers’ union to combat what they viewed as injustices at the school. “We were called ‘democratic teachers,’” Chea Mony, 55, told Radio Free Asia in an interview.  “I did not like corruption. I did not like to see an exploitation of our schoolteachers’ hours,” he said. “I did not like to see the students having to cross a river to go to school, and when they did not have the money to pay the boat fares, they were not allowed to take the boats to school.” “Because of that, we organized a protest,” he said. Chea Mony went on to become a leader of the Cambodian Independent Teachers Association, or CITA, which he founded with Rong Chhun. It worked closely with the Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia, led by his brother Chea Vichea. Chea Mony greets supporters after arriving at Phnom Penh International Airport in Cambodia, Feb. 1, 2006. (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP) After Chea Vichea, a popular union labor organizer and outspoken critic of former Prime Minister Hun Sen, was gunned down by an unknown assailant in 2004, the workers’ union elected Chea Mony as president.  Now, he faces the greatest challenge of his life as president of the National Power Party, or NPP, formed in 2023 to oppose the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, or CPP, led by Prime Minister Hun Manet, son of longtime ruler Hun Sen. Squashing opposition For years, the CPP has acted to suppress any political opposition.  In 2017, the country’s top court dissolved the main opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party. The subsequent opposition Candlelight Party was barred from participating in 2023 elections on a technicality.  Police have arrested activists and political opponents — including Sun Chanthy, the NPP’s previous chief, who was jailed on incitement charges. RELATED STORIES Police arrest 3 Cambodian opposition party members Labor leader remembered 20 years after his assassination Candlelight Party tries to win over Nation Power Party Government-aligned unions sue Chea Mony over ‘appeal’ for sanctions against Cambodia “I have many years of experience as a civil society leader, and my struggle is fighting for freedom, for the benefit of justice,” he said.  ”So, for me as the current leader of the National Power Party, I am not paying attention to [anything else] because my struggle is to focus on freedom and people, and it is not illegal [to do so].” The NPP contested in Cambodia’s 2024 senate elections and the 2024 provincial elections, but none of its candidates won seats. Humble roots Born in Kratie province, in eastern Cambodia, Chea Mony grew up in Kandal province, which surrounds Phnom Penh, with his four brothers and two sisters. His father was a former civil servant during the Sangkum Reastr Niyum period, also known as the First Kingdom of Cambodia from 1955 to 1970 when Prince Norodom Sihanouk ruled. His mother, a housewife, died of an illness when he was young. His father was killed in 1976 by the Khmer Rouge, the radical communist movement that ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 and killed an estimated 2 million people through overwork, starvation or executions. Cambodian Buddhist monks pray near trade union leader Chea Vichea’s coffin during his funeral in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Jan. 25, 2004. (Chor Sokunthea/Reuters) After he graduated with a degree in chemistry from the Royal University of Phnom Penh in 1993, he taught at Hun Sen Saang High School in Saang district of Kandal province until 2000, when he transferred to Boeung Trabek High School in Phnom Penh. That was where he met Rong Chhun, who became chairman of the teachers’ union they founded, CITA. “Rong Chhun and I have the same character,” Chea Mony said. “We do not like oppression, exploitation and violation of rights.” During the late 1990s and early 2000s, CITA and the Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia engaged in many demonstrations to demand higher wages for teachers and factory workers, and to pressure the government to respect human rights. Though his nonviolent activism resulted in dozens of lawsuits, authorities never arrested him.  “We are the union leaders; we have to sue for justice [for the workers],” he said. “I’ve always [led] strikes [by] demanding that a labor court to resolve labor disputes,” he said. “It is better to take the labor case to an arbitration tribunal.” 2017 lawsuit One of the most significant lawsuits against Chea Mony was filed by 120 pro-government unions in late 2017.  They accused him of inciting the European Union and the United States to inflict economic sanctions against Cambodia after Chea Mony gave an interview to RFA about the impact of such sanctions on government and factory workers, if imposed.  Chea Mony (C) walks with Sam Rainsy (foreground R), head of the main opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party, during a march to mark the 10th anniversary of the death of union leader Chea Vichea, in Phnom Penh, Jan. 22, 2014. (Heng Sinith/AP) This occurred after Hun Sen repeatedly invited the international community to immediately impose sanctions on his regime. The court proceeded quickly, deciding to summon and charge Chea Mony, who instead fled abroad to escape harassment by the court.  The case was dropped after Cambodia’s Labor Ministry settled it outside the court, following intervention by the International Labor Organization and a request by major garment buyers that the government drop the charges against Chea Mony and other union leaders. Rong Chhun, also 55, who is now an adviser to the NPP, described Chea Mony as a liberal and strong-willed advocate for democracy and respect for human rights. “He is also a sharp advocate, strong in the face of adversity, when leading demonstrations and strikes,” he said….

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Myanmar rebels seize major border gate near China

Editor04 mins

Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese. Allied insurgent forces in northern Myanmar have captured a main junta post  near the border with China, an officer of the anti-junta Kachin Independence Army told Radio Free Asia on Tuesday, the latest setback for the military in the resource-rich region. The Kachin Independence Army, or KIA, is based in Myanmar’s northernmost state and is one of the most powerful groups battling for autonomy. It has made significant progress over the past year, capturing  rare earth and jade mines as well as routes for border trade with China.  KIA information officer Naw Bu told RFA the latest junta position to fall was the Border Guard Post No. 1003, on the Waingmaw-Kan Paik Ti road, from where junta forces defend nearby towns. “Forces captured the camp that was providing security to Kan Paik Ti town. After that, they also captured the camp in between Border Guard Posts No. 5 and 6,” he said.  “Also along the Bhamo-Momauk road, junta soldiers have been fighting intensely for two days after coming up with armored cars.” Kachin state has long been one of Myanmar’s opium growing regions and Naw Bu said junta troops were stationed near hundreds of acres of poppy fields in the area. RFA tried to telephone Kachin state’s junta spokesperson, Moe Min Thein, for information about the situation but calls went unanswered.  A resident of the area who declined to be identified for security reasons said fighting was still going on near the poppy fields forcing about 1,000 villagers to flee to Kan Paik Ti town for safety. “As for Kan Paik Ti, there are still junta soldiers, militia members and border guards there. Residents are worried about fighting there,” the resident said. Last week, KIA and allied forces captured military positions near the border town of Pang War, to the northeast of Kan Paik Ti and a major rare earth mining center. In response to the fighting, China closed border gates under KIA control late on Friday, refusing to allow civilians fleeing the area to enter, and trapping about 1,000 people. Since July, KIA and allied forces have captured 12 towns, including Mabein, Chipwi and Lwegel, as well as 220 camps across Kachin and northern Shan states.  Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff.  We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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China calls for action after attack on consulate in Myanmar

Editor011 mins

Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese China on Monday urged Myanmar’s junta to find and punish the perpetrators of a bomb attack on its consulate in Mandalay over the weekend, but observers warned that more attacks are likely amid public anger over Beijing’s support for the military regime. China has remained one of the junta’s few allies since the military orchestrated a coup d’etat and seized control of Myanmar in February 2021.  Chinese investment in Myanmar is substantial, and the armed opposition has attacked several projects in a bid to cut off badly-needed revenue for the junta, which is straining under the weight of global sanctions in response to its putsch. On Friday evening, unknown assailants detonated a bomb at the Chinese consulate in Mandalay region’s Chanmyathazi township, damaging part of the building’s roof, the junta and Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced on Saturday. No one was hurt in the blast. No group or individual has claimed responsibility. On Monday, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Li Jian condemned the attack and called on the junta to “make an all-out effort to hunt down and bring the perpetrators to justice.” The Chinese consulate in Mandalay also urged all Chinese citizens, businesses and institutions in Myanmar to monitor the local security situation, strengthen security measures and take every precaution to keep themselves safe. Myanmar’s junta has said it is investigating the incident and is working to arrest those responsible. Opposition condemns attack An official with the Mandalay People’s Defense Force, which runs anti-junta operations in the region, denied responsibility for the bombing. “The Mandalay People’s Defense Force has not carried out any urban missions, including the attack on the Chinese consulate general’s office recently,” said the official who spoke to RFA Burmese on condition of anonymity due to security concerns. The foreign ministry Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, or NUG, also condemned the bombing in a statement that said it opposes all terrorist acts that tarnish relations with neighboring nations. It said differences of views should be solved through diplomatic means rather than violence. “Such kinds of attacks have absolutely nothing to do with our NUG government or our People’s Defense Force,” said NUG Deputy Foreign Minister Moe Zaw Oo. “We never commit terrorist acts and we condemn such attacks.” RELATED STORIES China undermines its interests by boosting support for Myanmar’s faltering junta China denies entry to Myanmar nationals trapped by battle Myanmar rebels capture border base near Chinese rare-earth mining hub Moe Zaw Oo suggested that the junta had orchestrated the attack to “[create] problems between our forces and China.” “The junta is trying to exacerbate the conflict … and sowing discord,” he said, without providing evidence of his claim. Tay Zar San, a leader of the armed opposition, echoed the NUG’s suspicion that the junta was behind the attack. “The military regime and its affiliated organizations are intentionally provoking ethnic and religious conflict under the context of anti-Chinese sentiment,” he said, adding that the junta has “organized” anti-Chinese protests in downtown Yangon and Mandalay. He also provided no evidence to back up his claims. Attempts by RFA to contact junta spokesperson Major General Zaw Min Tun for a response to the allegations went unanswered Monday. Enemy of the people Tay Zar San said that the people of Myanmar have been angered by Beijing’s support for the junta and its attempts to pressure ethnic armed groups along its border to end their offensive against the military. Since launching the offensive nearly a year ago, heavy fighting for control of towns in northern Shan state has sparked concern from China, which borders the state to the east, and forced it to shut previously busy border crossings. China has tried to protect its interests by brokering ceasefires between the junta and ethnic armies, but these haven’t lasted long. Myanmar’s Army Commander Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, left, speaks with Chinese President Xi Jinping at a hotel in Naypyidaw, Jan. 18, 2020. (Office of the Commander in Chief of Defense Services via AP) Junta supporters have expressed concern that territory lost to the armed opposition will not be retaken and are posting messages opposing China’s engagement on social media. Earlier, the junta supporters staged anti-China protests in Yangon, Mandalay, and the capital Naypyidaw. Than Soe Naing, a political commentator, said that the people of Myanmar will increasingly target China if Beijing continues supporting the junta. “As this struggle intensifies, anti-Chinese sentiment in Myanmar is likely to grow,” he said. “However, it is important to recognize that this is not a conflict with the Chinese people, but rather a response to the Chinese Communist Party’s stance and the misguided policies of its leadership on the Myanmar issue.” Additional tension The consulate bombing came amid reports that China’s military had fired at the junta’s Russian-made MiG-29 fighter jets as they carried out airstrikes on ethnic rebels on the border. A video of the purported attack – in which anti-aircraft guns fire into the air while Chinese-language commands are given – went viral on Saturday evening, although RFA has been unable to independently verify its authenticity or the date it took place. Additionally, an official with the People’s Defense Force in Sagaing region’s Yinmarbin township told RFA that his unit had ambushed a junta security detail guarding a convoy of trucks carrying copper from the Chinese-run Letpadaung Copper Mine Project in nearby Salingyi township. At least one junta soldier was killed, but the convoy was able to proceed, said the official, who also declined to be named. A traffic police officer directs traffic near a welcoming billboard to Chinese President Xi Jinping, in Naypyidaw, Jan. 17, 2020. (Aung Shine Oo/AP) RFA was unable to independently verify the official’s claims and efforts to reach the junta’s spokesperson for Sagaing region went unanswered Monday, as did attempts to contact the Chinese Embassy in Yangon. In late August, junta chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing vowed to protect Chinese assets and personnel in Myanmar during a meeting…

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Over a dozen children missing after Myanmar boat accident

Editor04 mins

Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.  A boat carrying 70 people off the coast of southern Myanmar overturned on Sunday night and eight people were confirmed dead and 17 were missing, including children heading back to school after a holiday, a rescue worker told Radio Free Asia.  The crowded ferry capsized when it encountered strong currents soon after setting off from the island village of Kyauk Kar, bound for Myeik town to the south in the Tanintharyi region, said a resident of the area who declined to be identified due to media restrictions imposed by military authorities. “We only managed to recover eight bodies last night. There are a lot still missing,” said the rescue worker who also declined to be identified.  “There are also survivors. We don’t know the exact list. Right now, it’s chaos.” Boat accidents are common in Myanmar, both on its many rivers and off its coasts. Hundreds of commuters, migrant workers and refugees have been involved in accidents this year. The resident said students heading back to school after the Thadingyut holiday, along with their parents and others displaced by recent conflict in the area, were among the victims of the accident that occurred as the ferry was passing through a channel known for treacherous currents. “From Kyauk Kar there’s … the opening of the ocean where the current is too strong,” one resident said.  “When the current was too rough, due to the boat’s position and because it was top heavy, it overturned.” The eight people found dead were identified as seven women between the ages of 16 and 60, and a three-month-old boy, residents said.  According to a rescue committee, 47 people survived while 17 children were unaccounted for. Residents and civil society organizations were searching for more victims. The military has not published any information about the accident, and calls by RFA to Tanintharyi region’s junta spokesperson, Thet Naing, went unanswered.  RELATED STORIES Scores killed by Asia’s most powerful storm of the year Eight missing after boat accident in Myanmar’s Yangon 16 Myanmar workers missing in Golden Triangle boat accident  Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff.  We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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PRC at 75: In China under Xi Jinping, people run or ‘lie flat’

Editor018 mins

Read this story in Mandarin. When Xi Jinping took his place as leader of the ruling Chinese Communist Party in 2012, some commentators expected he would be a weak president beset by factional strife in the wake of the jailing of former Chongqing party chief Bo Xilai and cryptic official references to rumors of a coup in Beijing.  Yet Xi has evoked more comparisons with late supreme leader Mao Zedong than any other leader since Mao’s death in 1976, with his cult of personality, his abolition of presidential term limits and his intolerance of any kind of public criticism or protest, including in Hong Kong. Blamed by many outside China for his government’s handling of the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic in Wuhan, Xi seriously damaged his reputation among the Chinese people with three years of grueling lockdowns that saw some people welded into their own apartments and others carted off to mass quarantine camps in the middle of the night. While the zero-COVID years eventually ended in late 2022 amid nationwide protests known as the “white paper” movement, a mass exodus of people dubbed the “run” movement was already under way. Refugees and dissidents, private sector executives and middle-class families with children have been willing to trek through the Central American rainforest to get away from life in China, in the hope of gaining political asylum in the United States. “I left China for Ecuador and Colombia, then walked north through the rain forest,” one migrant — an author whose writings were banned under Xi — told RFA Mandarin in a recent interview. “I left on Aug. 8 and entered the United States on Oct. 21.” “I was limping from my second day in the rainforest, and I was robbed by bandits,” the person said. “I could have died.” A migrant from China, exhausted from the heat, rests on the shoulder of a fellow migrant from Nicaragua after walking into the U.S. at Jacumba Hot Springs, California, on June 5, 2024. (Frederic J. Brown/AFP) Another recent migrant — a writer — said they left because everything they wrote had been banned. “My articles were banned from newspapers and magazines, my name was not allowed to be mentioned, and I couldn’t take part in public events,” they said. “I realized if I stayed in China, my life would just be a huge disaster, so I fled in a hurry.” Xu Maoan, a former financial manager in a private company, said he used to make a good professional salary of 10,000 yuan (US$1,400) a month, but lost his job due to the COVID-19 restrictions.  He never succeeded in finding another, despite sending out hundreds of resumes, and recently joined many others making the trek through the rainforest to the U.S. border. “I didn’t find out about the white paper movement until I got to the United States,” Xu told RFA Mandarin. “All news of it was blocked in China.” Reversing course? But it wasn’t just the pandemic; Xu and many like him were growing increasingly concerned that Xi was reversing the investor-friendly policies of late supreme leader Deng Xiaoping, with his confrontational attitude to Western trading partners and hair-trigger sensitivity to “national security,” an elastic term used to describe any activity that could threaten or undermine the ruling Chinese Communist Party’s official narrative. “I have personally experienced how the government drove away foreign investors and cracked down on the private sector, in the name of national security,” Xu said. “The government is in financial difficulty, so if they don’t like you, they raid you.” Chinese police conduct work during a raid of the Shanghai office of international consultancy Capvison in an undated photo. (Screenshot from CCTV via AP) “[Xi] quarreled with Europe and the United States, frightening foreign investors, who withdrew to Vietnam and India,” he said. “His values are the opposite [of Deng Xiaoping’s].” “The domestic economy has collapsed, but they just won’t admit it,” he said. “I was afraid we would be going back to the days of famine and forced labor of the Mao era, so I left in a hurry.” Xi’s abolition of presidential term limits in 2018 and the creation of what some fear is a Mao-style cult of personality around him is also driving concerns. “Xi has deified himself as the ‘core’ leader with his own personality cult, but he lacks Mao’s charisma,” Ma Chun-wei, assistant politics professor at Taiwan’s Tamkang University, told RFA Mandarin in a recent interview. “He requires everyone to study Xi Jinping Thought throughout the party and the whole education system.” Oppression of Uyghurs, Tibetans Xi has also presided over the mass incarceration of Uyghurs in Xinjiang’s “re-education” camps, the surveillance and suppression of Tibetans and their culture, as well as the upgrading the Great Firewall of internet censorship and the installation of surveillance cameras in schools to monitor students and teachers alike. Under his tenure, private companies have been forced to set up Communist Party branches, and censorship is tighter than it has ever been, Ma said. Yet Xi is one of the most ridiculed leaders in recent Chinese history, according to exiled author Murong Xuecun. “He has had the most nicknames of any general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in the past 70 years,” Murong told RFA in a recent interview. “Some people calculate that he has more than 200 nicknames.” Many of Xi’s nicknames are now banned from China’s internet, including Xi Baozi, Winnie the Pooh and Xitler, and their use has led to imprisonment in some cases. Pro-democracy activists tear a placard of Winnie the Pooh that represents President Xi Jinping during a protest in Hong Kong on May 24, 2020. (Isaac Lawrence/AFP) “The key to all of this is the political system,” Murong said. “Xi rose to lead the Communist Party and have power over appointments, the military, the party, the police and national security agencies through a series of opaque and intergenerational processes.” “He commands everything, yet his power isn’t subject to…

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Real estate prices skyrocket as Yangon swells with Myanmar’s displaced

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Read RFA coverage of this story in Burmese Myanmar’s civil war is driving up housing demand in Yangon, causing rents to skyrocket as people displaced by conflict in remote border regions seek out the relative safety of the country’s largest city, according to real estate agents and residents. Myanmar’s military orchestrated a coup d’etat in February 2021, touching off widespread rebellion by ethnic armies and armed opposition groups. Civilians have been caught in the crossfire, and the United Nations’ refugee agency estimates that some 3.1 million people have been displaced by fighting. That’s caused Yangon’s population to swell from around 5.6 million to as many as 10 million people, leading to a shortage of housing and causing rents to nearly double since early 2023, a real estate agent in Yangon told RFA Burmese. “Now we estimate that Yangon’s total population has become 15-18% of the whole country [of around 56 million],” said the agent who, like others interviewed for this report, spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity due to security concerns. “People can’t find a place to rent, and many are living in overcrowded apartments,” he said. “Some apartments have been turned into dormitories to accommodate up to 30 people.” Real estate agents estimate that at present, there are just over 300,000 apartments in central Yangon. RELATED STORIES A new generation in Myanmar risks their lives for change No limits to lawlessness of Myanmar’s predatory regime Month of fighting leaves once-bustling Myanmar town eerily quiet  Another real estate agent said that the cost of rent “has been gradually rising since 2023,” from around 300,000 kyats (US$145) to 500,000 kyats (US$240) per month for a studio apartment. “Those who can’t pay move to the outskirts of the city,” he said. “The apartments in some areas downtown aren’t worth the increased rent.” A woman who fled fighting in Rakhine state’s Thandwe township to Yangon in April said her rent had increased from 300,000 kyats to 350,000 kyats (US$165) per month since then, while her younger sister now pays 500,000 kyats per month, up from 300,000 kyats in early 2023. Aside from Yangon and Ayeyarwady regions, five of Myanmar’s regions and seven of its states see regular armed conflict, prompting many residents to seek the relative stability of the country’s commercial hub. Mass relocation A resident of Yangon, who also declined to be named, told RFA that real estate agents are increasingly raising rents as the city becomes overcrowded. “As a result of the influx of people displaced by civil war, flooding, and other crises, apartment rental prices are rising,” she said. “Real estate agents are taking advantage of the situation, demanding higher prices and capitalizing on the desperate circumstances of those displaced persons.”   A neighborhood in Lanmadaw township, Yangon, on October 9, 2024. (RFA) As rents go up, the sale prices of property are also rising. In Yangon’s Dagon Myothit township, before the military coup, the price of a 10-foot (3-meter) wide home was just over 10 million kyats (US$4,765). Just over three years later, the same home now sells for 50 million kyats (US$23,820), real estate agents told RFA. The price of apartments in Yangon’s Sanchaung and Kamayut townships has risen to 100 million kyats (US$47,645) from 60 million kyats (US$28,585) a year earlier, they said, while rents in these areas have doubled to 600,000 kyats (US$285) from 300,000 kyats over the same period. Social Affairs Minister Htay Aung, the junta’s spokesperson for Yangon region, said on Oct. 8 that plans are underway to expand housing projects in the city due to the increasing number of displaced persons. “This is part of the trend of migration between rural and urban areas,” he said. “As Yangon city develops, we have plans to extend the [boundaries of the] city.” Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Rebel army advances on junta’s western headquarters in Myanmar’s Rakhine state

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Read RFA coverage of this story in Burmese Heavy fighting is underway in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state between junta troops and ethnic rebels in the vicinity of the military’s western command center, trapping civilians in the crossfire, residents said Friday. The Arakan Army, or AA, battling for self-determination for the mostly Buddhist Rakhine people, has taken territory across Rakhine state and controls 10 of the state’s 17 townships, and one in neighboring Chin state since the military’s February 2021 coup d’etat. It would be the first rebel group to take over a state if it seizes all territory in military control there, as it has vowed to do. Clashes have intensified since the AA launched an offensive on Sept. 26 against military positions in Rakhine’s Ann township, capturing the military’s Taw Heing Taung and Me Taung strategic hills. The junta has since sent reinforcements to the area. The fighting is now located around five kilometers (three miles) from the junta’s Western Regional Military Command, according to residents who spoke to RFA Burmese on condition of anonymity, due to security concerns. “The AA has been firing heavy weapons both day and night at the western command, Light Infantry Battalion No. 373, and the artillery battalion in Ann township,” said one resident, adding that the military has responded with multiple airstrikes. “The fighting is escalating in downtown Ann now.” RELATED STORIES: Myanmar junta airstrike kills civilians sheltering in rebel territory Rebels battle for Myanmar junta’s western military headquarters Rebel army closes in on 2 townships in western Myanmar A resident of Ann said that inhabitants of the town have tried to escape the fighting, “but the junta won’t let them.” “People are living in constant fear, uncertain of what might happen next,” the resident said. “There is a severe shortage of food, medicine, and medical care, as hospitals and clinics are struggling to provide services.” According to the resident, the price of medicine at local markets is now “far beyond the reach of ordinary citizens,” while transportation has become extremely difficult as “gasoline prices have soared to more than 30,000 kyats (US$14) per liter.” Travel prohibited Another resident of Ann, who also declined to be named, said junta forces ended departures on Wednesday, when they stopped 15 vehicles carrying more than 100 people attempting to flee to nearby Pa Dan and Min Bu townships. “It remains unclear where the passengers have been taken,” he said. Weapons and ammunition seized by Arakan Army forces on Mae Taung hill in Ann township are seen Oct. 7, 2024. (AA Info Desk) Attempts by RFA to contact AA spokesperson Khaing Thukha went unanswered Friday, as did efforts to reach the junta’s Rakhine state spokesperson Hla Thein. Fighting between the AA and junta forces in Rakhine state began around a year ago, when the AA ended a ceasefire that had been in place since the military coup. Residents of Rakhine state say that the junta has been conducting more aerial attacks on civilian areas in townships which were lost to the AA, as well as areas of intense fighting. Data compiled by RFA found that junta airstrikes killed 93 civilians and wounded 66 others in Rakhine’s Thandwe, Maungdaw, Pauktaw, Myaebon and Toungup townships in September alone. Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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