Vietnam’s parliament appoints new ministers after To Lam takes top job

Updated Aug. 26, 2024, 06:45 a.m. ET. Vietnam has announced a shakeup of ministers as To Lam shores up power and continues his predecessor’s anti-corruption campaign, following his elevation to general secretary of the Communist Party this month. National Assembly members replaced two deputy prime ministers and appointed another – the country’s fifth – at an extraordinary meeting in Hanoi attended by Lam and Prime Minister Pham Minh Chinh.  Supreme Court Chief Justice Nguyen Hoa Binh, 66, Finance Minister Ho Duc Phoc, 60, and Foreign Minister Bui Thanh Son, 61, became deputy prime ministers. The shakeup comes after Le Minh Khai was removed from his position as deputy prime minister by the Politburo on Aug. 3 to take responsibility for a land-use scandal in Lam Dong province. The Politburo also announced this month it was moving Tran Luu Quang from a deputy prime ministerial role to head up the Central Economic Commission. Parliament also appointed new justice and environment ministers in Monday’s one-day session.  ‘Blazing furnace’ continues National Assembly Secretary General Bui Van Cuong said parliament would elect a new state president during its October session, Vietnamese media reported. Lam has held the post for three months. Lam, a former public security minister was elected general secretary – the country’s most powerful position – on Aug. 3, following the death two weeks earlier of his predecessor, Nguyen Phu Trong. Trong had championed an anti-corruption drive known as the “blazing furnace” to tackle graft among party officials and business leaders. The campaign claimed the jobs of several senior government members, including Vo Van Thuong, who was forced to step down as president in March after just one year in office. Lam, 67, took over the presidency on May 22 and had already assumed the general secretary’s role on an interim basis the day before Nguyen Phu Trong’s death. RELATED STORIES Analysts: Vietnam’s new leader promises reform, but it won’t be easy To Lam elected as Vietnam’s top leader Nguyen Phu Trong left Vietnam’s Communist Party ripe for strongman rule Carl Thayer, emeritus professor at the University of New South Wales Canberra, said it would be unusual for Lam to remain both party secretary general and president. “Since reunification of Vietnam and the adoption of the 1992 constitution, Vietnam’s party leaders have consistently rejected the idea of merging the office of party general secretary and state president,” said Thayer.  He said if Lam was able to concentrate on a single role it would give him more time to oversee the selection of the next generation of leaders at the party congress scheduled for early 2026 and continue Trong’s “blazing furnace” campaign. “No doubt To Lam will be vigorous in opposing any potential candidate involved in corruption or who fails to meet party ethical standards,” he added. “But the process of vetting must be viewed as fair and balanced across the entire Vietnam Communist Party and not a particular faction or region.” Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang. Updated to note election for state president will take place in October.

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Archeologists unearth ruins of ancient Uyghur city in Mongolia

The discovery of the ruins of a long-lost city in northern Mongolia believed to be built by Uyghurs roughly 1,400 years ago enhances knowledge of Uyghur civilization amid the Chinese government’s efforts to rewrite the Muslim group’s history to fit into its own narrative, historians and other experts said. “This discovery fills a historical gap,” Saban Dogan, the project’s lead archaeologist from Izmir Katip Calabi University in Izmir, Turkey, told Radio Free Asia. “Second, it advances the understanding of [Uyghur] Turkic urban and residential life by another hundred years.” Turkish and Mongolian archaeologists discovered remnants of the lost city of Togu Balik in June and July during excavations in the Tuul River Valley, known as the Tugla River valley in Uyghur historical documents, according to Turkiye Today, which first reported the findings.   Dogun suggested that Togu Balik was constructed between 630 and 680 CE, making it one of the earliest cities built by Uyghurs.  Today, the Uyghurs are concentrated in the Chinese far-western region of Xinjiang, which they prefer to call East Turkistan, where some 11 million live under Chinese rule and are subjected to a genocide, according to the United States and the parliaments of some Western nations. RELATED STORIES China digs up the past to shore up official version of history Ancient Buddhist temple in Xinjiang stirs controversy INTERVIEW: Lawyer debunks China’s historical narrative of control over Xinjiang Togu Balik, built by the Toquz Oghuz — a confederation of Turkic Tiele tribes known as the “nine clans” in Inner Asia during the early Middle Ages — was a key city of the Uyghur Khaganate, or empire, under the Orkhon Uyghur nobility. That empire existed between 740 CE and 840 CE, following the Uyghurs’ destruction of the Second Turkic Khaganate, an empire  in Central and Eastern Asia  founded by a clan of the Goturks, another Turkic people, which lasted from 682–744 CE. The Uyghur Khaganate controlled a vast area of the Euro-Asian steppes, stretching from Lake Baikal in the north to the Great Wall of China in the south, and from Manchuria in the east to the Tian Shan mountain range and Lake Balkhash in the west. China’s narrative The discovery of the ruins comes at a time when Uyghur history and archaeology have become sensitive political topics as Chinese historians attempt to reshape Uyghur identity within the notion of the “Chinese nation,” experts said.  These historians claim that Uyghurs have been part of the Chinese nation since ancient times and are not Turkic. Some argue that the Uyghurs migrated to what is now Xinjiang in the 9th century CE and that the Han Chinese were the original inhabitants of the area, contrary to historical facts.  Turkish and Mongolian archeologists excavate the ruins of Togu Balik in northern Mongolia in 2024. (Turkey’s Ministry of Culture and Tourism/Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency) The discovery of Togu Balik intensifies the debate over Uyghur history, archaeology and the origins of the Uyghurs, the experts said. But Chinese historical documents also indicate that Uyghurs lived in a vast region from the north of the Tuul River in Mongolia to Tian Shan in present-day Xinjiang, said Alimjan Inayet, a professor of Uyghur folklore at Ege University in Izmir, Turkey. “Uyghurs have inhabited the East Turkistan geography since time immemorial,” he told RFA. “These historic documents show that Uyghurs didn’t come to East Turkestan in the 840s CE like current Chinese historians allege, but are the most ancient tribes that lived on this vast land,” Inayet said. “There is no historical basis for China to claim that Uyghurs came to this land only after the 840s.”  Kahar Barat, a Uyghur-American historian known for his work on Buddhism and Islam in Xinjiang, agreed, saying Uyghurs at that time migrated from one side of the empire to the other, and did not invade others’ land. Highly civilized people Uyghurs were the first among nomadic Turkic tribes in Eurasia who had established cities and settled in them, giving up their nomadic lifestyles, Inayet said.   “Togu Balik, also known as the East City, proves that the Uyghurs were a highly civilized people who established this earliest city,” he added. Dogan declined to comment at length on the political controversy involving China’s efforts to co-opt Uyghur history, but said that the long history of the Uyghurs is very clear and cannot be obscured by the political agendas of China or other countries. Historical sources mention Togu Balik, but its exact location was unclear until now, he said.  Turkish and Mongolian archeologists excavate the ruins of Togu Balik in northern Mongolia in 2024. (Turkey’s Ministry of Culture and Tourism/Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency) “In our discussions with Mongolian archaeologists, we hypothesized that the excavated site might be Togu Balik,” Dogun said. “The artifacts found in the ruins of a building in the area confirmed this hypothesis.” The discovery of Togu Balik fills a historical gap in the urban life of the Uyghur and Turkic peoples, he added. “Togu Balik can be considered the oldest Uyghur city known so far,” he said. The city is historically recognized as the place where the Uyghur Toquz Oghuz inhabited and fought against a Turkish invasion in 715 CE.  Togu Balik is mentioned in the inscriptions of the Second Turkic Khaganate as well as in the historical documents of the Tang Dynasty, said Barat. “Togu Balik is one of the earliest capitals of Uyghurs,” he told RFA. Khitan Empire It was once believed that Togu Balik was related to the Khitan Empire, a proto-Mongol nomadic people who ruled the northern part of China from the 10th to the early 12th century, and is also known as the Liao Dynasty.  Turkish and Mongolian archeologists excavate the ruins of Togu Balik in northern Mongolia in 2024. (Turkey’s Ministry of Culture and Tourism/Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency) But because archaeologists have now found Uyghur ceramic tiles beneath walls at the Togu Balik site, Dogan suggested that the city was later used by the Khitans after the Uyghurs left. “Until now, it was considered that these ruins belonged to the Khitans, but archaeologists have discovered ceramics related to the Uyghurs, specifically related to the…

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A far cry from sweet and sour: Hong Kongers bring their food to the UK

Hong Kongers fleeing a political crackdown in their home city are the biggest wave of migrants to settle in Britain since the Windrush generation arrived from the Caribbean — and they’re bringing their food with them.  While previous generations of Chinese immigrants would gravitate towards Chinatowns in London and Manchester to make and sell dim sum or roast Cantonese duck to local diners, this cohort is bringing an updated menu of Hong Kong food that offers fellow migrants a nostalgic taste of home. Instead of being concentrated in inner city areas like their forerunners, the nearly 200,000 holders of the British National Overseas passport are making use of a lifeboat visa program to fan out across the country, from Sutton in Surrey, to Brick Lane and Canary Wharf in East London, to affordable neighborhoods in Leeds, Liverpool and Manchester. They’re even growing their own vegetables in their backyards instead of relying on the fresh foods available through chains of Asian foods wholesalers. A shop in the U.K. sells Hong Kong-style milk tea. (Cynthia Hung Jones/RFA) The Hong Kong food stall with the longest line of waiting diners at a weekend food market in the Canary Wharf financial district in early June 2024 offers salt beef tripe, brisket and tendon braised Hong Kong style, attracting a mixed crowd of expectant customers. For some, it’s the taste of home, and for others raised on typical fare from earlier British Hong Kong takeaways, it’s a far cry from sweet and sour chicken balls. “Food has always been an important part of the way that immigrant communities construct their identities,” says Hong Kong columnist Carpier Leung. “I have high hopes for the influence that this wave of immigration can have on Hong Kong cuisine.” The new wave is already breaking on British shores. Over the past two years, more supermarkets have started selling packages of dim sum like har gau shrimp dumplings and char siu pork buns, while Hong Kong-style egg tarts and the city’s signature mix of strong black tea with evaporated milk have started popping up in trendy cafes in areas where Hong Kongers have congregated. You can buy street snacks like egg waffles and French toast, Hong Kong diner (or cha chaan teng) style, in Sutton and Manchester these days. Dreams of Mong Kok Nicole, who founded the Hong Kong nostalgia restaurant HOKO in Brick Lane, said she was drawn to the area because its grittiness and trendiness reminded her of Kowloon’s Mong Kok district.  That was home to the “fishball revolution” of 2016 when disgruntled young people — some of them supporters of the city’s independence movement — ripped up paving bricks from the area’s narrow shopping streets and hurled them at police. Founder Nicole outside her Hong Kong nostalgia restaurant HOKO in London’s Brick Lane. (Cynthia Hung Jones/RFA) The first thing you see when you walk into HOKO is a row of evaporated milk tins used by cha chaan teng, with their distinctive red-and-white packaging. The next is the diner-style layout with high-backed, partitioned seating of the kind where low-paid office workers would rub shoulders with blue-collar workers in search of an affordable breakfast or set lunch deal. The tables are stacked with orange melamine chopsticks, with menus in glass cases, throwbacks to Nicole’s memories of these eateries that date back to the 1960s and ‘70s in her home city. Cantopop by Justin Lo is blaring from the speaker system, while posters of Hong Kong bands bedeck the walls. “We sell Hong Kong food that tells a story,” she says, listing milk tea, French toast, pork chop, Swiss chicken wings and borscht, all staples of cha chaan teng — food that arrived in a global free port from somewhere else, only to acquire a peculiarly Hong Kong twist, making it quite unlike the original. “Swiss chicken wings” was the result of a miscommunication between English-speaking tourists and Hong Kong chefs, who heard “Swiss” when the customer said “sweet,” according to HOKO’s menu. Milk tea was brought in during British colonial times and persisted long after British tea-drinkers had forgotten all about evaporated milk. Nicole thinks the latest generation of migrants from Hong Kong is “braver, and truer to ourselves and to Hong Kong cuisine.” Telling the difference Another Hong Kong eatery in east London, Aquila, has directly imported some of its ingredients from Hong Kong to ensure its dishes remain authentic.  “We have to insist on that authenticity so that British people will be able to tell the difference between Hong Kong and China [when it comes to food],” says co-founder Lucas. The founders and manager of Hong Kong restaurant Aquila in London’s Leytonstone pose for a photo under the flags of British Hong Kong and the Republic of China (Taiwan) in June 2024. (Cynthia Hung Jones/RFA) The first thing you see when you walk into this joint is a political statement — the flags of British Hong Kong and the Republic of China, currently located in democratic Taiwan, alongside photos from the 2019 protest movement against the loss of Hong Kong’s promised freedoms that would land a person in hot water back home, under two national security laws. But the founders don’t worry much about annoying China, which took back control of Hong Kong in 1997 and still insists on a territorial claim on Taiwan. “I’m running a British business — what is there to be afraid of?” says Lucas. “My grandfather’s business was ruined by the Chinese Communist Party, and my family has been anti-communist ever since.” “I hope that customers will ask why these things are on display, so I can tell them the story of Hong Kong,” he adds. Chicken hotpot Not all food translates easily, however. Hong Kongers have developed a passion in recent years for a local form of chicken hotpot. But Hong Kong migrant and entrepreneur Sam says he doesn’t think the dish has taken off with British diners, who prefer their chicken boneless and not floating around in scalding hot…

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Bicycle built for who?

To Lam made his first foreign trip as general secretary of Vietnam’s Communist Party to China, where President Xi Jinping gushed about the two countries’ “shared future.”  But the goals of the neighboring nations with similar political systems don’t always align, including on matters of sovereignty in the South China Sea, where China’s sweeping territorial claims have earned rebukes from Hanoi and sparked widespread public protests in Vietnam. While both leaders are pedaling forward, they appear to be headed in opposite directions.

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Two Myanmar reporters among four killed in raid by junta forces

Myanmar junta forces hunting insurgents raided a reporter’s home killing him, another reporter and two other people, one of whom was a member of a rebel group, associates of the victims, including a former employer, told Radio Free Asia.  The troops raided reporter Htet Myat Thu’s home in Mon state on Wednesday after receiving a tip-off that insurgents were meeting there. Since the military seized power and toppled a civilian government more than three years ago, junta officials have closed independent media outlets and arrested and tortured some reporters, victims and rights groups say. Junta soldiers opened fire on the home of Htet Myat Thu in Kyaikto township on suspicion the people there were members of a pro-democracy insurgent group called the Kyaikto Revolutionary Force, the associates of the men said.  The second reporter killed in the raid was Win Htut Oo, 28, a freelance journalist who worked for the Democratic Voice of Burma and The Nation Voice, one of his employers told RFA.  About 30 soldiers raided the home, said a source close to one of the victims who declined to be identified for security reasons.  “Htet Myat Thu was shot first when he opened the door. Another man, Kyin Wak, was shot in the leg when he jumped out of a window,” said the source.  “Win Htut Oo and another man, Ah Win, were shot at the back of home while they were trying to flee.” Ah Win was a member of the Kyaikto Revolutionary Force but the other man, Kyin Wak, just lived in the house and had no militia affiliations, associates said. Authorities did not return the bodies to their relatives but cremated them, they added.  Twenty-six-year-old Htet Myat Thu worked for the Voice of Thanbyuzayat news outlet. He was arrested once before while reporting on protests that followed the 2021 coup but continued his work as a journalist after being released. Nay Aung, chief editor of The Nation Voice, dismissed any suggestion that either of the reporters was a member of an insurgent group.  “The journalists are just trying to report the right information in a timely way while they’re out in the field,” he said. “But the junta viewed this as an attack on the military and retaliated against them, step by step.” Pro-junta channels on messaging app Telegram reported that four Kyaikto Revolutionary Force soldiers were killed in a shootout during a raid on a home where rebel soldiers were gathering.  RFA tried to contact Mon state’s junta spokesperson Saw Kyi Naing for comment but he did not respond.  According to data from the Independent Myanmar Journalists Association, 176 journalists have been arrested since the 2021 coup. Of these, five have been killed and 52 remain in custody. Myanmar ranks ninth for number of journalists killed and second for the number of jailed journalists worldwide, according to the 2023 Global Impunity Index released by the Committee to Protect Journalists press freedom group. RELATED STORIES Myanmar filmmaker Pe Maung Same dies after release from prison  Former reporter for independent new outlet dies in Myanmar prison On World Press Freedom Day, journalists across Asia continue to face threats Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Kiana Duncan and Mike Firn. 

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In Pictures: 17,000 gather in New York arena to offer prayers for Dalai Lama

Many gathering before dawn, more than 17,000 people were in attendance at a New York area sports arena to offer prayers for the long life of the 89-year-old Dalai Lama, who said he expected to live past 100. The Tibetan spiritual leader recently completed over six weeks of physiotherapy in Syracuse, New York, where he was undergoing his recovery and resting after knee replacement surgery on June 28. The Dalai Lama also spoke about the need for religious harmony and emphasized the principles of secular ethics — an ethics system that appeals to religious and nonreligious alike and is based on the cultivation of genuine compassion. The Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) People line up to hear the Dalai Lama preside over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) The Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) The Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) The Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) Attendees listen as the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) Attendees gather as the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) Attendees receive kata prayer scarves as the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) Some attendees pray as the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) Attendees celebrate as the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) Children sing as the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) People line up to enter before the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) People line up to enter before the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) People line up to enter before the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered at the UBS Arena in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) People enter UBS Arena before the Dalai Lama presides over a prayer ceremony, addressing more than 17,000 people gathered, in New York, Aug. 22, 2024. (RFA Tibetan) Photos edited by Eric Kayne

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Rebels seize junta oil field in central Myanmar

Insurgents in central Myanmar seized a junta oil field, rebel groups told Radio Free Asia on Thursday, the fourth such oil facility captured in recent fighting that has seen the military lose significant amounts of territory. Myanmar has produced oil in the Irrawaddy River valley since the 19th century but its offshore gas fields are a much more important source of revenue for the junta that seized power in a 2021 coup. Pro-democracy insurgent members of milita’s known as People’s Defense Forces, or PDFs, in the Magway region seized the Thagyitaung-Sabal oil field in Pakokku township on Tuesday following a pre-dawn assault on about 50 soldiers defending it,  a PDF spokesman told RFA.  “We’ve been holding the field and have soldiers cutting off the ground route,” said Pauk township’s PDF information officer Ko Sit. “Six junta soldiers were killed and two were arrested during the fighting,” he said. He gave no information on casualties among PDF fighters. PDF fighters seized weapons and ammunition, and about six million kyat (US$1,000) in cash, he said. The military responded with airstrikes and sent reinforcements to a police station in nearby Pauk township, Ko Sit said, adding that fighting continued into Wednesday as junta forces tried to regain control of the field. RFA tried to contact Magway region’s junta spokesperson Myo Myint for comment but he did not return calls.  The oil field, operated by the junta-owned conglomerate Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, or  MOGE, produced 119 barrels of crude oil and 2.5 million cubic feet (71,000 cubic meters) of natural gas per day in 2018, according to the Ministry of Electricity and Energy. Thagyitaung-Sabal oil field run by the junta’s Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise on June 7, 2023. (People’s Spring-Facebook) Resource-rich parts of Myanmar have seen heavy fighting this year as rebel groups try to capture them. Kachin state in northern Myanmar has jade and rare earth mines while parts of Shan state in the northeast has rich ruby mines. PDF groups captured Myaing township’s Kyauk Khwet oil field on March 2 and Pauk township’s Letpanto oil field on April 19. On Aug. 15, PDF forces occupied the Pu Htoe Lon oil field in Gangaw township.  RFA was not immediately able to contact the MOGE for comment about the latest loss of an oil field.   The U.S. Treasury Department has described the MOGE as “the largest single source of foreign revenue for Burma’s military regime, providing hundreds of millions of dollars each year.” Last October, it announced sanctions against MOGE, banning companies from providing it with financial services. Magway region has no privately owned oil fields, after the junta ordered their closure in June last year. Although it gave no reason, owners and workers said the junta was worried that profits were being used to fund PDFs. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Kiana Duncan and Mike Firn. 

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Lao and Chinese security forces raid call centers in the Golden Triangle

Lao and Chinese security forces detained 771 people in the Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone during a joint operation conducted ahead of a deadline for illegal call centers in the notorious zone to close. Authorities in northern Laos have notified call centers in the Chinese-run special economic zone, or SEZ,  that they have until Sunday to shut down their operations. Scamming operations run by Chinese nationals who try to trick people into fake investments are rife in the zone. Many of the workers are mistreated and prevented from leaving the premises. The Golden Triangle SEZ along the Mekong River in Bokeo province in northern Laos has been a gambling and tourism hub catering to Chinese visitors, as well as a haven for online fraud, human trafficking, prostitution and illegal drug activities. The Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone Command dismantles a gang of telecommunication fraudsters in a video posted to their Facebook page in Bokeo Province, Laos, Aug. 20, 2024. (Mass Media of Public Security via Facebook) The Lao government’s closure order came after an Aug. 9 meeting between the Bokeo provincial governor, high-ranking officials from the Lao Ministry of Public Security, and Zhao Wei, the chairman of the Golden Triangle SEZ. The joint raids with Chinese authorities began on Aug. 12, according to the Lao Ministry of Public Security website. Among the 771 people detained were 275 Laotians, 231 Burmese and 108 Chinese, the ministry said. Other nationalities included people from the Philippines, India, Indonesia, Ethiopia and Vietnam. “Most of them are just workers who were hired to work at the centers,” a ministry official told Radio Free Asia. “It’s a form of human trafficking because they were lured to come to the SEZ to work at stores or restaurants, but later they were forced to work as scammers.” Computers and cellphones A Bokeo provincial official, who like other sources in this report requested anonymity for security reasons, said many of the Chinese citizens who were arrested were in leadership roles at the call centers.  “We handed over all the Chinese to Chinese authorities at the border gate in Luang Namtha province several days ago,” she said. “Other foreigners, such as Indians and Filipinos, are waiting for their respective embassies to pick them up.” Most of the arrested Lao nationals were booked, reeducated and handed over to family members, she said. Authorities have also seized more than 2,000 pieces of electronic equipment, including 709 computers and 1,896 mobile phones, according to the ministry. “All Chinese people and equipment seized from the raid have been sent back to China to comply with the agreement between the Lao Ministry of Public Security and the Chinese counterparts,” a Luang Namtha province official told RFA. RELATED STORIES Laos orders Golden Triangle scammers out of zone by end of month 280 Chinese arrested in Laos for alleged online scamming Laos repatriates 268 Chinese suspected of scamming In the first half of 2024, as many as 400 call centers were operating in the Golden Triangle SEZ. The centers mostly targeted Chinese, which eventually prompted authorities in China to team up with their counterparts in Laos. The owner of a Vientiane employment agency that hires workers for Chinese companies in the SEZ said they have paused recruitment activities and are waiting to see what happens after Sunday’s deadline. “If the police stop raiding the places, we’ll be back in business,” he said. Translated by Max Avary. Edited by Matt Reed.

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Rohingya refugees drown fleeing Myanmar’s war as concerns mount

Twenty-six members of Myanmar’s persecuted Rohingya minority drowned when their boat capsized as they were trying to flee to Bangladesh, witnesses said, an accident likely to compound fears that the largely Muslim community is facing a new round of genocide. Rohingya living in Rakhine state in western Myanmar have been caught in crossfire between ethnic minority insurgents fighting for self-determination against Myanmar’s military, with both sides accused of killing them. Some analysts have warned that the latest attacks are worse than those inflicted on the community in 2017, when a Myanmar military crackdown against Rohingya militants triggered an exodus of some 700,000 people to Bangladesh. As then, Rohingya are again fleeing the violence to Bangladesh, many crossing a border river in small boats. On Monday, a crowded boat crossing the Naf River to Bangladesh sank killing 26 of those onboard, witnesses said, the latest in a spate of deadly accidents on the river. “There were 30 people on the boat including 18 children. Only four survived. The rest died,” said one of the witnesses who declined to be identified because of security fears. Rescue workers searching for bodies had found seven victims, including four children and a pregnant woman, he added. Aung Kyaw Moe, deputy minister of human rights for Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, said the boat was heading to Bangladesh because of intense fighting in Maungdaw township on the border between junta troops and the Arakan Army, or AA, insurgent group. “They fled for their lives. They were worried about where the heavy artillery would fall,” he said. “The Naf River is dangerous because of the ebb and flow of the tide. They had to risk their lives.” Aung Kyaw Moe said the situation in Rakhine state was confusing because some areas were controlled by junta forces while others were in the hands of the AA, with tens of thousands of Rohingya caught up in the conflict. The AA draws its support from the largely Buddhist ethnic Rakhine community, the majority in the state. The rebels are fighting Myanmar’s military for greater autonomy, in alliance with ethnic minority forces from other areas and democracy activists who took up arms after the army overthrew an elected government in 2021. Both sides have been accused of killing Rohingya, with AA fighters blamed for attacking people believed to be supporting junta forces. On Aug. 5, dozens of Rohingya people were killed by fire from heavy weapons as they waited for boats to cross to Bangladesh, survivors told Radio Free Asia. Some survivors said the AA was responsible though the insurgents denied that. RELATED STORIES Arakan Army seizes key town in southern Myanmar Attacks against Rohingyas ‘now worse than 2017 Rebels evacuate 13,000 Rohingyas amid battle for Myanmar’s Maungdaw Torched homes On Aug. 12, Human Rights Watch said both the junta and the AA had committed extrajudicial killings and widespread arson against Rohingya, Rakhine and other civilians in Rakhine state. “Ethnic Rohingya and Rakhine civilians are bearing the brunt of the atrocities that the Myanmar military and opposition Arakan Army are committing,” said the group’s Asia director Elaine Pearson. “Both sides are using hate speech, attacks on civilians, and massive arson to drive people from their homes and villages, raising the specter of ethnic cleansing.” The recent attacks on Rohingya were “worse than in 2017” and represents a “second wave of genocide”, two experts told a press briefing in the United States this month. There were about 60,000 displaced people in Rakhine state before the latest round of fighting resumed late last year but now there are more than 500,000, aid groups there say. Echoing growing concerns about the Rohingya, the U.K.-based Burma Human Rights Network, or BHRN, called on Wednesday for the international community to protect Rohingya, particularly those in Maungdaw. It cited witnesses as saying many Rohingya had been killed in boat accidents or from bombs on the banks of the Naf River. The group cited witnesses as saying AA fighters had torched Rohingya homes in Maungdaw.  “These problems started when the junta forcibly recruited Rohingya for military service,” Kyaw Win, director of Burma Human Rights Network, told RFA. “If there are violations by AA troops on the ground, the AA needs to be exposed and action needs to be taken.” The AA, in an Aug. 18 statement, accused “Muslim armed forces” of setting fire to homes and it warned that rights activists making accusations could affect harmony between ethnic groups. The AA said it had evacuated nearly 20,000 people, including Rohingya, from embattled Maungdaw town and would move more to safety. Kyaw Win said forces opposed to the junta throughout the country, including the National Unity Government and other insurgent groups, had been reluctant to criticize the AA, their anti-junta ally.  But he said the international community should investigate the AA’s actions and take measures, including sanctions, if necessary. Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mike Firn.

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Uyghurs sentenced to cumulative 4.4 million years in prison: study

All told, Uyghurs imprisoned by China in the far-western region of Xinjiang have been sentenced to a cumulative 4.4 million years, a report by Yale University’s Genocide Studies Program says. And the true tally is probably far higher, researchers said. The figure highlights the scale and severity of the Chinese government’s crackdown on the mostly Muslim Uyghurs since 2017, when thousands of Uyghurs and other Turkic minorities were herded into re-education camps and prisons. The 25-page report, “Uyghur Race as the Enemy: China’s Legalized Authoritarian Oppression & Mass Imprisonment,” frames the massive incarceration not only as a crime against humanity and genocide, but also as a form of “dangerous lawfare” designed to erode the Uyghurs’ future prospects for dignity, prosperity and freedom.  The study drew on information from the Xinjiang Victims Database, which has data on nearly 62,700 Uyghurs detained in Xinjiang, based on leaked Chinese police documents and other records. Researchers also studied records from the Xinjiang High People’s Procuratorate from 2017 to 2021. It does not include numbers from years since then, after the court stopped publishing data, meaning the true number is much higher. They found 13,114 cases that included a prison sentence, with an average term of 8.8 years, and multiplied the figure by 500,000, which they called a “conservative” figure based on the 540,000 individuals prosecuted by court from 2017 to 2021, to get 4.4 million years. “This is happening on a scale that the world has not seen,” said Uyghur human rights lawyer and advocate Rayhan Asat, principal author of the report. “And if China is allowed to fulfill the 4.4 million years of a cumulative imprisonment it has sentenced the Uyghur people to, it will mean a total ethnic incapacitation for the Uyghur people.” RELATED STORIES UN rights chief calls on China to protect human rights in Tibet and Xinjiang Rights groups blast UN for inaction on China’s repression in Xinjiang Call for debate on rights violations in Xinjiang rejected by UN Human Rights Council UN human rights chief issues damning report on Chinese abuses in Xinjiang This data is crucial for understanding the profound human rights violations and the long-term impacts on the Uyghur community. ‘Legalized human rights abuse’ The Chinese government uses “legalized authoritarianism” to extend the reach of the authoritarian state by weaponizing its legal system against people critical of state policies, the report said. In the case of Xinjiang, Beijing has recognized the Uyghur identity as an enemy and has used laws such as Article 120 of the Criminal Law governing terrorist crimes, the Counter-Terrorism Law, and the Xinjiang Implementing Measures for the Counter-Terrorism Law “to legitimize human rights abuses,” it said. “The involvement of laws as a means of carrying [out] human rights abuses sufficiently characterizes Uyghur incarceration as a legalized human rights abuse,” it said. The study also noted that while the Chinese authorities make public criminal records in other parts of the country, records from almost 90% of cases in Xinjiang are not public. Asat told Radio Free Asia that she wanted to contextualize the consequences of China’s actions for the entire Uyghur population given that the mass incarceration of Uyghurs without due process and with disproportionately harsh imprisonment is already horrific in isolation.  She has publicly campaigned on behalf of Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities in China, including her brother Ekpar Asat, who has been held in detention in Xinjiang since 2016.  “With a cumulative imprisonment of 4.4 million years — a conservative estimate — it’s nearly impossible for the population to carry on their culture and community — our culture and community,” she said. Human toll The analysis comes before the second anniversary on Aug. 31 of a report by former U.N. human rights chief Michelle Bachelet who visited Xinjiang in May 2022 and said China’s mass detentions of Uyghurs and other Turkic minorities in the region may constitute crimes against humanity. Her successor, Volker Türk, this March urged China to carry out recommendations from his office to protect human rights in Xinjiang, Tibet and across the country, but Beijing ignored his call. “[In] the context of mass imprisonment, it gives an idea of just how much, human capital is lost to the Uyghur community, the Uyghur population in China as a result of what is arguably a political and arbitrary, punitive, ethnically-based system of mass imprisonment,” said David J. Simon, director of the university’s Genocide Studies Program. “The one other thing I will add about that figure is that the authors of the report have stressed to me that it is a conservative estimate — that the real number, the number of years that Uyghur political prisoners may actually be facing under these laws, could actually be substantially higher,” he told RFA. The report makes several recommendations to address the issue.  It says Türk, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, or OHCHR, and U.N. member states must trigger all accountability mechanisms to pressure China to free innocent detainees and to use diplomatic tools to collectively push for the release of all imprisoned Uyghurs. It also recommends that individual states declare they are not willing to do business with China and to impose targeted sanctions like those already imposed by the United States, Britain, the European Union and Canada. The report also recommends that the U.N.’s Human Rights Commission and the OHCHR jointly condemn Beijing’s actions and establish a Commission of Inquiry in China to investigate atrocity crimes.  “It’s been nearly a decade after China rolled out its extensive atrocity campaigns against the Uyghurs, and the world’s attention is slowly waning due to other crises emerging,” Asat said. “But the horrors in the Uyghur region have not ceased.” With additional reporting by RFA Uyghur. Edited by Malcolm Foster.

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