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Real estate prices skyrocket as Yangon swells with Myanmar’s displaced

Editor06 mins

Read RFA coverage of this story in Burmese Myanmar’s civil war is driving up housing demand in Yangon, causing rents to skyrocket as people displaced by conflict in remote border regions seek out the relative safety of the country’s largest city, according to real estate agents and residents. Myanmar’s military orchestrated a coup d’etat in February 2021, touching off widespread rebellion by ethnic armies and armed opposition groups. Civilians have been caught in the crossfire, and the United Nations’ refugee agency estimates that some 3.1 million people have been displaced by fighting. That’s caused Yangon’s population to swell from around 5.6 million to as many as 10 million people, leading to a shortage of housing and causing rents to nearly double since early 2023, a real estate agent in Yangon told RFA Burmese. “Now we estimate that Yangon’s total population has become 15-18% of the whole country [of around 56 million],” said the agent who, like others interviewed for this report, spoke to RFA on condition of anonymity due to security concerns. “People can’t find a place to rent, and many are living in overcrowded apartments,” he said. “Some apartments have been turned into dormitories to accommodate up to 30 people.” Real estate agents estimate that at present, there are just over 300,000 apartments in central Yangon. RELATED STORIES A new generation in Myanmar risks their lives for change No limits to lawlessness of Myanmar’s predatory regime Month of fighting leaves once-bustling Myanmar town eerily quiet  Another real estate agent said that the cost of rent “has been gradually rising since 2023,” from around 300,000 kyats (US$145) to 500,000 kyats (US$240) per month for a studio apartment. “Those who can’t pay move to the outskirts of the city,” he said. “The apartments in some areas downtown aren’t worth the increased rent.” A woman who fled fighting in Rakhine state’s Thandwe township to Yangon in April said her rent had increased from 300,000 kyats to 350,000 kyats (US$165) per month since then, while her younger sister now pays 500,000 kyats per month, up from 300,000 kyats in early 2023. Aside from Yangon and Ayeyarwady regions, five of Myanmar’s regions and seven of its states see regular armed conflict, prompting many residents to seek the relative stability of the country’s commercial hub. Mass relocation A resident of Yangon, who also declined to be named, told RFA that real estate agents are increasingly raising rents as the city becomes overcrowded. “As a result of the influx of people displaced by civil war, flooding, and other crises, apartment rental prices are rising,” she said. “Real estate agents are taking advantage of the situation, demanding higher prices and capitalizing on the desperate circumstances of those displaced persons.”   A neighborhood in Lanmadaw township, Yangon, on October 9, 2024. (RFA) As rents go up, the sale prices of property are also rising. In Yangon’s Dagon Myothit township, before the military coup, the price of a 10-foot (3-meter) wide home was just over 10 million kyats (US$4,765). Just over three years later, the same home now sells for 50 million kyats (US$23,820), real estate agents told RFA. The price of apartments in Yangon’s Sanchaung and Kamayut townships has risen to 100 million kyats (US$47,645) from 60 million kyats (US$28,585) a year earlier, they said, while rents in these areas have doubled to 600,000 kyats (US$285) from 300,000 kyats over the same period. Social Affairs Minister Htay Aung, the junta’s spokesperson for Yangon region, said on Oct. 8 that plans are underway to expand housing projects in the city due to the increasing number of displaced persons. “This is part of the trend of migration between rural and urban areas,” he said. “As Yangon city develops, we have plans to extend the [boundaries of the] city.” Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Rebel army advances on junta’s western headquarters in Myanmar’s Rakhine state

Editor06 mins

Read RFA coverage of this story in Burmese Heavy fighting is underway in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state between junta troops and ethnic rebels in the vicinity of the military’s western command center, trapping civilians in the crossfire, residents said Friday. The Arakan Army, or AA, battling for self-determination for the mostly Buddhist Rakhine people, has taken territory across Rakhine state and controls 10 of the state’s 17 townships, and one in neighboring Chin state since the military’s February 2021 coup d’etat. It would be the first rebel group to take over a state if it seizes all territory in military control there, as it has vowed to do. Clashes have intensified since the AA launched an offensive on Sept. 26 against military positions in Rakhine’s Ann township, capturing the military’s Taw Heing Taung and Me Taung strategic hills. The junta has since sent reinforcements to the area. The fighting is now located around five kilometers (three miles) from the junta’s Western Regional Military Command, according to residents who spoke to RFA Burmese on condition of anonymity, due to security concerns. “The AA has been firing heavy weapons both day and night at the western command, Light Infantry Battalion No. 373, and the artillery battalion in Ann township,” said one resident, adding that the military has responded with multiple airstrikes. “The fighting is escalating in downtown Ann now.” RELATED STORIES: Myanmar junta airstrike kills civilians sheltering in rebel territory Rebels battle for Myanmar junta’s western military headquarters Rebel army closes in on 2 townships in western Myanmar A resident of Ann said that inhabitants of the town have tried to escape the fighting, “but the junta won’t let them.” “People are living in constant fear, uncertain of what might happen next,” the resident said. “There is a severe shortage of food, medicine, and medical care, as hospitals and clinics are struggling to provide services.” According to the resident, the price of medicine at local markets is now “far beyond the reach of ordinary citizens,” while transportation has become extremely difficult as “gasoline prices have soared to more than 30,000 kyats (US$14) per liter.” Travel prohibited Another resident of Ann, who also declined to be named, said junta forces ended departures on Wednesday, when they stopped 15 vehicles carrying more than 100 people attempting to flee to nearby Pa Dan and Min Bu townships. “It remains unclear where the passengers have been taken,” he said. Weapons and ammunition seized by Arakan Army forces on Mae Taung hill in Ann township are seen Oct. 7, 2024. (AA Info Desk) Attempts by RFA to contact AA spokesperson Khaing Thukha went unanswered Friday, as did efforts to reach the junta’s Rakhine state spokesperson Hla Thein. Fighting between the AA and junta forces in Rakhine state began around a year ago, when the AA ended a ceasefire that had been in place since the military coup. Residents of Rakhine state say that the junta has been conducting more aerial attacks on civilian areas in townships which were lost to the AA, as well as areas of intense fighting. Data compiled by RFA found that junta airstrikes killed 93 civilians and wounded 66 others in Rakhine’s Thandwe, Maungdaw, Pauktaw, Myaebon and Toungup townships in September alone. Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Viral party video shot inside Cambodian prison prompts leadership reshuffle

Editor05 mins

Cambodia has appointed a new director at Phnom Penh’s Prey Sar prison after a leaked video of a party inside the facility showed prisoners dancing, drinking and appearing to handle drugs. The prison’s deputy director and spokesman, Nuth Savana, will continue in those roles while adding the director title, Minister of Interior Sar Sokha said in a statement on Wednesday. No reason was given for the appointment, but it comes just days after Prime Minister Hun Manet ordered a probe into the video, which began circulating on Facebook and other social media accounts last week.  It shows one young man – clad in just his underwear and a pair of sunglasses – dancing next to two prisoners who hug each other as they sway to an electronic beat. In the foreground, another prisoner chops up a white powder as others bop around amid flashing lights. Nuth Savana told Radio Free Asia on Thursday that an investigation he led this week found that the video footage was taken in January 2023 during the Chinese New Year holiday and was shot inside Prey Sar. “I am working on the case step by step,” he said. “The minister of interior ordered strict measures against those who were involved. He ordered inspectors to go there in addition to my team.” On Tuesday, Hun Manet said at a public appearance in Kandal province that he had asked Sar Sokha to investigate why inmates were allowed to have a party in what looks to be a prison’s common area. “We don’t know for sure what is happening on the Facebook video,” the prime minister said, according to a video of his speech that was posted to Facebook. “Maybe the was 10 years old but we need to investigate, and we especially need to reform and strengthen the prisons across the country.” He suggested that management of Prey Sar could be strengthened “by shuffling its leadership.” ‘Strict measures’ ordered In June, prison officials in northern Stung Treng province were accused of taking bribes and then releasing eight Chinese prisoners who authorities said had illegally crossed into Cambodia. The prisoners had told police that they had been smuggled across the border and planned to travel to Phnom Penh and Sihanoukville, a seaside resort that has become a hotbed of criminal activity over the last decade.  Prey Sar, located on the outskirts of the capital, is Cambodia’s largest prison with about 8,000 inmates.  The prison’s male facility, known as Correctional Center 1, has been criticized for poor conditions and overcrowding.  Prey Sar’s previous director, Yin Kun, retired on Sept. 9. The acting director who was named to the role last month was sidelined by Nuth Savana’s appointment this week. As the new director, Nuth Savana said he wanted to reform the prison so that human rights are fully respected and the well-being of prison guards and prisoners is ensured. Translated by Yun Samean. Edited by Matt Reed and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Insurgent army tightens its grip on northern Myanmar town

Editor07 mins

Read RFA coverage of these topics in Burmese. An insurgent group battling Myanmar’s junta in Shan state has taken full control of a major town, a spokesperson told Radio Free Asia on Monday. The Ta’ang National Liberation Army, or TNLA, said it captured the final junta base in Hsipaw on Sunday and plans to use its position to strike other military camps in the area. The TNLA, is a member of the Three Brotherhood Alliance that launched Operation 1027 nearly a year ago in an effort to seize territory from the military that took power in a 2021 coup.  Since launching the offensive, heavy fighting for control of Lashio, Nawnghkio and other northern Shan towns has sparked concern from China, which borders the state to the east, and forced it to shut previously busy border crossings.  China has tried to protect its interests by brokering ceasefires between the junta and alliance members, but these haven’t lasted long.  The second round of Operation 1027 began when a five-month truce collapsed in June. Since then the TNLA has captured Kyaukme, Mongmit and Nawnghkio towns in northern Shan state, as well as Mandalay region’s Mogoke town.  Two months later, the TNLA turned its sights on Hsipaw. It captured most of the town on Aug. 12 but the junta held on to an infantry camp. On Sunday, the Infantry Battalion 23 base finally fell to the TNLA, spokesperson Lway Yay Oo said.  “We managed to completely control Hsipaw,” she told RFA. “According to our list, there must be over 50 captured soldiers and over 100 members of military families. We will release the family members.” Neither side has reported any casualties and RFA’s calls to Shan state’s junta spokesperson Khun Thein Maung went unanswered. RELATED STORIES: Myanmar junta charges hundreds for scamming on Chinese border Traders in Myanmar struggle as borders with China remain closed in rebel-held areas Rebels seize junta base near Chinese rare-earth mine in northern Myanmar By taking full control of Hsipaw the TNLA is in a stronger position to attack nearby junta camps. After capturing most of the town in mid-August it started targeting light infantry battalions 503 and 504 about a kilometer away. The junta has been hitting back with daily airstrikes. A Y-12 airplane dropped more than 80 bombs on TNLA positions on Friday, the group said in a statement published the following day.  In over two months of fighting in Hsipaw, junta airstrikes and artillery fire have killed 32 people, including young children and injured 100 more residents, according to local civil society groups.  Lashio under fire Another Three Brotherhood Alliance member has also been taking territory off junta forces in Shan state. Since the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, or MNDAA, captured the junta’s military headquarters in Lashio in July, and took full control of the town in August, civilians have borne the brunt of junta retaliation through frequent airstrikes and shelling. Junta bombs killed three villagers on Monday morning in the township’s Ei Naing village, residents said.  Three men in their 40s died and two other people were injured, including a child, according to a resident who didn’t want to be named for fear of reprisals. “The men who were attacked died on the spot. They didn’t have time to dodge because the bomb fell straight on their house,” he said.  The injured were moved to a safe location to receive medical treatment, he added. The bombs destroyed a church and five houses, according to an MNDAA-associated aid group. Residents stand outside a house bombed by junta planes in Ei Naing village, Lashio Township, Shan state on Oct. 14, 2024. (Facebook: Lashio Reconstruction) Frequent battles near Ei Naing village prompted heavy shelling by the junta, causing most of the 1,000 people living in the area to flee, residents said. Many returned to Lashio after the MNDAA took control of the township, but fled again following Monday’s attack.  In September, the MNDAA said it had cut ties with Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government. It said it would work with China to bring peace and announced it had no plans to capture large towns in Shan state.  Days later the junta bombed Lashio and peace talks never took place. Since June, over 20 junta airstrikes on Lashio have killed three people and injured over 100, according to an MNDAA statement on Oct. 4. Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Mike Firn.  We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Cambodians conjure up US bogeyman behind Vietnam canal concerns

Editor012 mins

I was recently offered documents purporting to show that U.S. intelligence agencies have “been guiding Vietnam to sabotage” the Funan Techo Canal, Cambodia’s controversial megaproject that critics say poses a serious ecological threat to Vietnam’s southern rice-growing heartland. The Vietnamese-language documents offered by an official in Phnom Penh reveal nothing about alleged secret meetings or misinformation campaigns, merely restating Vietnam’s concerns about what its neighbor was doing based on publicly available reports.   It isn’t entirely surprising if Phnom Penh is now pushing the line that complaints about the canal are mostly American propaganda that Washington is helping direct Vietnam to regurgitate.    A Cambodian national flag is displayed during a groundbreaking ceremony of China-funded Funan Techo canal in Prek Takeo village, Cambodia, Aug. 5, 2024. (Heng Sinith/AP) It may make some psychological sense for Phnom Penh to pretend all the noise is a result of U.S.-China geopolitics and to think that Vietnam, its closest neighbor and increasingly important economic partner, isn’t actually angry at all about Funan Techo.  And Phnom Penh, somewhat justifiably, feels hemmed in by the uproar that followed Prime Minister Hun Manet’s announcement in May that construction of the canal will go ahead.  Although China has been funding almost every other megaproject in Cambodia, it refused to pony up most of the money for this one, leaving the Cambodian state to cover the costs that will likely end up being much higher than the $1.7 billion estimate.  Vietnam has made it known in private conversations with Cambodia’s leaders that it is unhappy about how Phnom Penh went about its assessments of the canal’s impact on the Mekong Delta. Reticent Vietnam The people of Southeast Asia would “benefit from transparency on any major undertaking with potential implications for regional water management, agricultural sustainability, and security,” a U.S. embassy spokesperson in Phnom Penh said recently. Yet it’s fanciful for Phnom Penh to think Vietnam doesn’t have concerns of its own about a neighbor’s construction of a 180-km (110-mile) canal near their shared border, or to think that Vietnam needs prodding from America to express these concerns to Cambodia’s government.  More often than not, in fact, it has been Washington that does the ventriloquizing for Hanoi.  One struggles to remember any Vietnamese minister giving a press conference or an official going on the record about Cambodia’s Ream Naval Base. Washington has alleged for years that Phnom Penh will allow China direct access to the base, which Phnom Penh denies.    Workers use excavators during the construction of the Funan Techo canal in Kandal province, July 9, 2024. (Tang Chhin Sothy/AFP) A Chinese naval presence in Cambodia wouldn’t be ideal for America’s security interests in the region, but the biggest threat would be to Vietnam, which lies just 30 km (18 miles) from the site. A Chinese naval base to its southwest would leave Vietnam pretty much encircled by Chinese forces at sea.  Yet most of what we know of Vietnam’s concerns comes from what the U.S. government has said about the matter.  Likewise, what we know about Vietnam’s concerns over the Funan Techo Canal comes either from its officials speaking anonymously to Vietnam’s state-run media, from the Cambodian government responding publicly to Vietnam’s concerns, or what one can infer from U.S. government statements.  Blaming foreigners The fact that American statements about the canal focus on the potential ecological and economic impact on Vietnam — hardly a top-line U.S. national security concern — suggests these fears originated in Hanoi.  It’s illogical to maintain that Hanoi would need U.S. intelligence services to warn it of the potential economic and ecological impacts of the canal.  Perhaps this has been discussed between Vietnamese and U.S. officials, but to imagine it’s all an American conspiracy to hammer Cambodia is rather desperate. But it has worked for Cambodia before.  In 2017, the Cambodian government instructed the Supreme Court to forcibly dissolve the country’s largest opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which might have given the ruling party a tough run at a general election the following year.    A supporter of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party wears a poster of party leader Kem Sokha as she stands outside the Supreme Court in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Oct. 31, 2017. (Heng Sinith/AP) The false narrative Phnom Penh constructed was that the CNRP was plotting a “color revolution” with U.S. support. The party’s dissolution came months after Phnom Penh shut down newspapers and civil society groups it has accused of being part of a U.S. plot.  Not a shred of evidence was offered to prove any of this, yet it jibed with the ruling Cambodian People’s Party’s parochial and paternalistic view of Cambodian society: Everyone is peaceful until foreigners start whipping up our locals; its foreigners who convince Cambodians to demand their rights and liberty.  The claim that America is now dripping poisonous misinformation into Hanoi’s ears over the Funan Techo Canal has a similar ring to it. As it implies, Asia would be entirely peaceful if it wasn’t for a captious U.S. pressuring countries in the region to do its bidding.   RELATED STORIES Cambodia’s Funan Techo canal exposes cracks in Vietnam ties Will Cambodia’s Funan Techo canal be a success? Cambodian anti-Vietnamese sentiment will stalk Hun Manet beyond trade zone spat Cambodia launches ambitious Funan Techo canal project Chinese whispers Read between the lines, and what one can also infer is an argument that the region would be entirely happy with China’s behavior if it weren’t for U.S. interference.  Indeed, the Cambodian official who contacted me claimed that “the U.S., in collaboration with Vietnam, is obstructing the Canal Project…to eliminate Chinese influence in Southeast Asia.” These claims echo Chinese propaganda that asserts that it’s not really Vietnam or the Philippines who wants to assert their sovereignty in the South China Sea in the face of Chinese aggression, but the Americans who are forcing them to challenge China.  Beijing’s line that Vietnam is a proxy of U.S. geopolitical interests now appears to have seeped into…

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In new film, Dalai Lama says inner peace is key to happiness

Editor010 mins

Read RFA coverage of this story in Tibetan. “Eight billion human beings. Everybody, including our enemy, wants peace,” says the Dalai Lama in a documentary that opens in Swiss cinemas on Dec. 5 and in other movie theaters around the world. “Wisdom of Happiness” offers an intimate, meditative cinema experience where the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader speaks directly to the camera about what he says is the source of happiness — inner peace. Directed by Barbara Miller and Philip Delaquis and listing Richard Gere, the American actor and Tibet advocate, as an executive producer, the 90-minute film premiered on Oct. 7 to a sold-out audience at the Zurich Film Festival.  Gere, a long-time follower of the Dalai Lama, expressed excitement at the event about the potential impact the film could have on global audiences.  “There are around 750 people here tonight with different energy, but after this film, they have the possibility to carry it back to their families, communities and the world,” Gere said at the film’s screening. “This is how we change the world.”  Taglined “A heart-to-heart with the Dalai Lama,” the film provides a personal glimpse into the Dalai Lama’s reflections on peace, happiness and the potential for a peaceful 21st century, while featuring never-before-seen, newly restored archival footage of the Tibetan spiritual leader. “We began working on this film in 2018, and it took six years to complete,” Miller told Radio Free Asia. “The result is an intimate and unique documentary that captures the Dalai Lama speaking directly to viewers, creating the feeling of a personal audience.” “His Holiness advocates for greater compassion in humanity during the 21st century,” she said. “It’s a true blessing that we were able to create this documentary, which reflects everything His Holiness stands for.”  ‘Not an easy century’ In the film, the 89-year-old Buddhist leader talks about balancing age-old Tibetan Buddhist traditions with contemporary values of a globalized society that is struggling with war, violence and environmental concerns.  “Our 21st century will not be an easy century,” the Dalai Lama says in the film. “Lot of difficulties come. Destructive actions come from destructive emotions. So, now our world needs knowledge about our mind, about our emotions, and how to tackle these emotions.”   Executive producer Richard Gere (4th from R); Jetsun Pema, the younger sister of the Dalai Lama (C); Penpa Tsering, president of the Central Tibetan Administration (2nd from R); and writers and directors Philip Delaquis (5th from L) and Barbara Miller (R) attend the premiere of ‘Wisdom of Happiness’ at the Zurich Film Festival in Zurich, Switzerland, Oct. 8, 2024. (Nyishon via Tibet.net)   Also present at the premiere in Zurich were Jetsun Pema, the Dalai Lama’s younger sister, Sikyong Penpa Tsering, president of the Central Tibetan Administration – the Tibetan government-in-exile – the film’s co-executive producer Oren Moverman and director of photography Manuel Bauer. Speaking to RFA, Pema said, “It’s a truly wonderful film in which His Holiness shares practical wisdom for navigating the challenges of this century.”  “This is my second time watching it, yet every time I hear His Holiness speak, I feel both joy and sadness, and tears flow out without any control,” she said. “Everyone who has seen the film has loved it, and everyone is moved by it.” Sikyong Penpa Tsering underscored the significance of the film and the relevance of the Dalai Lama’s teachings amid current war and conflict around the world.  “While this film centers on His Holiness’ wisdom regarding the universal pursuit of inner peace and compassion, the cause of Tibet is inherently tied to the Dalai Lama,” he said. “As a result, Tibet’s struggle naturally becomes part of the film, and that is why I am here at this premiere.”    Filmmakers and Jetsun Pema (2nd from R), the younger sister of the Dalai Lama, celebrate the premiere of ‘Wisdom of Happiness’ at the Zurich Film Festival in Zurich, Switzerland, Oct. 8, 2024. (Nyishon via Tibet.net) Though there are visible conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine, it is important to remember that there are also about 55 other wars and acts of violence occurring in the world, many of which go unnoticed, Tsering said.  “In times like these, the teachings of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on love and compassion, as presented through this film, hold immense relevance and significance,” he said. “The premiere at this festival couldn’t be more timely.”  Archive footage The documentary also delves into the story of the Dalai Lama’s early life, including rare archival material that chronicles his journey as Tenzin Gyatso, who was chosen as the spiritual leader of Tibet at the age of 4 in 1940. At the screening, Gere emphasized the unique presence of the Tibetan spiritual leader, saying, “He has a childlike quality, is completely unpretentious, and you feel a bubble of joy around him.” The Dalai Lama lifts a dove into the air in the trailer of ‘Wisdom of Happiness,’ a documentary that features rare archival material of the Tibetan Buddhist spiritual leader’s early life. (Image from ‘Wisdom of Happiness’ trailer via YouTube) “At the same time, he is probably the greatest scholar of his generation,” he said. “It’s an incredible mix of purity, joy and profound wisdom.” Pema also addressed the audience at the premiere, reflecting on the special connection between Tibet and Switzerland. “Switzerland was the first country to open its doors to Tibetan refugees after China occupied our homeland,” she said. “Like Tibet, Switzerland is a mountainous country, and it’s always a pleasure to be here.” Additional reporting by Rigdhen Dolma, Lhuboom and Tashi Wangchuk for RFA Tibetan. Edited by Tenzin Pema, Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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French Polynesian president asks UN to bring France into decolonization talks

Editor07 mins

French Polynesia’s president and civil society leaders have called on the United Nations to bring France to the negotiating table and set a timetable for the decolonization of the Pacific territory. More than a decade after the archipelago was re-listed for decolonization by the U.N. General Assembly, France has refused to acknowledge the world’s peak diplomatic organization has a legitimate role. France’s reputation has taken a battering as an out-of-touch colonial power since deadly violence erupted in New Caledonia in May, sparked by a now abandoned French government attempt to dilute the voting power of indigenous Kanak people. Pro-independence French Polynesian President Moetai Brotherson told the U.N. Decolonization Committee’s annual meeting in New York on Monday that “after a decade of silence” France must be “guided” to participate in “dialogue.” “Our government’s full support for a comprehensive, transparent and peaceful decolonization process with France, under the scrutiny of the United Nations, can pave the way for a decolonization process that serves as an example to the world,” Brotherson said. Brotherson called for France to finally co-operate in creating a roadmap and timeline for the decolonization process, pointing to unrest in New Caledonia that “reminds us of the delicate balance that peace requires.” In August he warned France “always had a problem with decolonization” in the Pacific, where it also controls the territories of New Caledonia and Wallis and Futuna.  The 121 islands of French Polynesia stretch over a vast expanse of the Pacific, with a population of about 280,000, and was first settled more than 2,000 years ago.  Often referred to as Tahiti after the island with the biggest population, France declared the archipelago a protectorate in 1842, followed by full annexation in 1880. France last year attended the U.N. committee for the first time since the territory’s re-inscription in 2013 as awaiting decolonization, after decades of campaigning by French Polynesian politicians. French permanent representative to the U.N. Nicolas De Rivière responds to French Polynesia President Moetai Brotherson at the 79th session of the Decolonization Committee, pictured on Oct. 7 2024. (UNTV) “I would like to clarify once again that this change of method does not imply a change of policy,” French permanent representative to the U.N. Nicolas De Rivière told the committee on Monday. “There is no process between the state and the Polynesian territory that reserves a role for the United Nations,” he said, and pointed out France contributes almost 2 billion euros (US$2.2 billion) each year, or almost 30 percent of the territory’s GDP. After the U.N. session Brotherson told the media that France’s position is “off the mark”. French Polynesia was initially listed for decolonization by the U.N. in 1946 but removed a year later as France fought to hold onto its overseas territories after the Second World War. Granted limited autonomy in 1984, with control over local government services, France retained administration over justice, security, defense, foreign policy and the currency. Seventeen pro-independence and four pro-autonomy – who support the status quo – speakers gave impassioned testimony to the committee. Lawyer and Protestant church spokesman Philippe Neuffer highlighted children in the territory “solely learn French and Western history.” “They deserve the right to learn our complete history, not the one centered on the French side of the story,” he said. “Talking about the nuclear tests without even mentioning our veterans’ history and how they fought to get a court to condemn France for poisoning people with nuclear radiation.” France conducted 193 nuclear tests over three decades until 1996 in French Polynesia. “Our lands are contaminated, our health compromised and our spirits burned,” president of the Mururoa E Tatou Association Tevaerai Puarai told the U.N. denouncing it as French “nuclear colonialism.” “We demand justice. We demand freedom,” Puarai said. He said France needed to take full responsibility for its “nuclear crimes”, referencing a controversial 10-year compensation deal reached in 2009. Some Māʼohi indigenous people, many French residents and descendants in the territory fear independence and the resulting loss of subsidies would devastate the local economy and public services. Pro-autonomy local Assembly member Tepuaraurii Teriitahi told the committee, “French Polynesia is neither oppressed nor exploited by France.” “The idea that we could find 2 billion a year to replace this contribution on our own is an illusion that would lead to the impoverishment and downfall of our hitherto prosperous country,” she said. BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Over 100 Myanmar political prisoners have died since coup, group says

Editor07 mins

Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese. More than 100 political prisoners arrested by Myanmar’s junta have died in custroy in the three and a half years since the military seized power, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, or AAPP.  Junta authorities have arrested tens of thousands of activists, union leaders, rebel soldiers, journalists and people suspected of supporting insurgent groups.  Among those detained and sentenced to decades in jail are members of the ousted National League for Democracy, or NLD, administration, including former State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other high-profile politicians detained hours after the early 2021 coup. Prisoners allowed out speak of appalling conditions in Myanmar’s numerous prisons and detention centers, including crumbling infrastructure, brutal treatment, sexual harassment and limited access to adequate food and medical care.  Of the 103 political prisoners who have died in prison since the coup, at least 63 people were denied medical treatment, the AAPP, a rights group based outside Myanmar, said in a statement on Monday following the death of a top NLD member. Mandalay region chief minister and NLD Vice Chairman Zaw Myint Maung had been diagnosed with leukemia before being sentenced to 29 years in prison on various of charges, including election fraud and other charges largely dismissed by pro-democracy activists. He was 73 when he died on Monday in hospital, where military authorities allowed him to go in his final days. Activists said he did not receive proper medical care in prison. “If Dr Zaw Myint Maung had proper outside medical treatment we wouldn’t have lost his life,” said Aung Myo Kyaw of the AAPP. “He didn’t really get proper medical care since he was arrested. Like Nyan Win, there are many more,” he said, referring to a long-time NLD  central executive committee member and Suu Kyi’s personal lawyer, who died in Yangon’s infamous Insein Prison from COVID-19 a few months after the coup.  “If these people were not in prison but outside, they wouldn’t have died.” Radio Free Asia could not reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment on the AAPP’s statement. Military authorities say prisoners are treated according to the law. ‘Malicious’ Other activists who have died include Pe Maung, a filmmaker killed by tuberculosis shortly after being released from prison, and rapper-turned-rebel soldier San Linn San, who died from head trauma after being tortured in prison,  a human rights monitoring group said.   Pe Maung and Zaw Myint Maung were both released by junta authorities when it was too late to get treatment, effectively sentencing them to death, said AAPP secretary Tate Naing.  “This kind of announcement, that they’ll be released when the inmates are about to die, has been done before by previous military dictators,” he said. “This is routine for the military regime – it’s a malicious and deliberate execution of political prisoners.” Other prisoners have been tortured to death or shot during prison riots, said Aung Myo Kyaw.  More than 20,000 people have been detained on political charges since the 2021 coup, of whom more than 9,000 have been sentenced to prison, the AAPP said.  The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights also denounced conditions in Myanmar’s prisons and detention centers, saying in a report last month that at least 1,853 people have died in military custody, including 88 children and 125 women, since the coup – many after being tortured. As ethnic minority insurgents and pro-democracy fighters make advances in several parts of the country, the military routinely detains villagers suspected of supporting the rebels, residents and rights groups say. On Monday, five women in Magway region’s Myaing township were arrested on suspicion of supporting an anti-junta militia, or People’s Defense Force, residents of the area said. They denied that the women were involved with any insurgent group.  RELATED STORIES: Senior Myanmar pro-democracy politician dies in custody at 73 A Myanmar revolutionary battles an old enemy with new allies Women account for 1 in 5 deaths in Myanmar since coup Translated by RFA Burmese. Edited by Kiana Duncan and Mike Firn.  We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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China, North Korea mark 75th anniversary of ties in muted tone

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Chinese President Xi Jinping and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un have marked the 75th anniversary of their countries’ relations but the messages they exchanged were less effusive and shorter than in the past, hinting at cooler ties. Xi’s message to Kim this year, published by China’s Xinhua News Agency, was 309 characters long, compared with 435 characters in 2019, for the 70th anniversary. Similarly, Kim’s message to Xi, published by the Korean Central News Agency, was 497 characters this year, down from 809 characters in 2019. But it wasn’t just the length of the messages that was different. Xi told Kim that relations between their countries had “stood the changes of the times and the trials of an ever-changing international situation and become a precious asset common to the two countries and the two peoples.” Xi added that China was ready to further develop relations “through strengthened strategic communications and coordination, and deepened friendly exchange and cooperation.” But Xi did not use the phrases he used in the 70th anniversary celebration, such as “the traditional friendship between China and the DPRK has grown stronger over time and gone deep into the hearts of the people.” DPRK stands for the North’s official name, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Kim referred to Xi in 2019 as his “esteemed” comrade but he dropped that salutation this year.  “Our Party and the government of the Republic will steadily strive to consolidate and develop the friendly and cooperative relations between the DPRK and China as required by the new era,” Kim said.  This year, the messages between Xi and Kim were published on page four of North Korea’s state-run Rodong Sinmun daily. In 2019, they were splashed across the newspaper’s front page. RELATED STORIES Xi’s latest message to North Korea’s Kim hints at cooling ties North Korea bans more TV and movies. Surprise! They’re Chinese North Korea orders return of workers in China stranded by pandemic Since North Korea and China established diplomatic ties on Oct. 6, 1949, their relationship has often been described as being “as close as lips and teeth.”  However, there have been signals that China, by far North Korea’s largest trading partner, has become more distant towards its northeastern neighbor. In September, Xi, in his first message to Kim in eight months, marking the anniversary of North Korea’s founding, was also less effusive in tone on the friendship between the countries than he had been the previous year. South Korea’s main security agency has raised the possibility of cooler ties between China and North Korea while media has reported that China is hesitant to form a three-way, anti-West alliance with North Korea and Russia.  North Korea and Russia have moved significantly closer amid widespread suspicion that North Korea has supplied conventional weapons to Russia for its war in Ukraine in return for military and economic assistance.  This year, North Korea and Russia the two countries signed a strategic treaty that includes mutual defense elements. China Beijing appears to prioritize a stable regional security environment to address its economic challenges and maintain relationships with Europe and its Asian neighbors. China’s foreign ministry has dismissed any suggestions that relations with North Korea have cooled. While North Korea largely sealed itself off during the COVID-19 pandemic, this year it has been building up its diplomatic ties, apart from those with Russia. A top Vietnamese defense official visited Pyongyang last month and in August, North Korea took steps to patch up ties with old ally Cuba. In April, a North Korean delegation visited Iran.  Edited by Mike Firn.  We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika

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Cambodian anti-Vietnamese sentiment will stalk Hun Manet beyond trade zone spat

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After months of disquiet, Prime Minister Hun Manet announced on Sept. 20 that Cambodia would be withdrawing from the Cambodia-Laos-Vietnam Development Triangle Area (CLV-DTA), a major investment pact.  Sophal Ear, a U.S.-based analyst, described the move as “almost Brexit-like” – a nice sound bite, but far from the case. Cambodia hasn’t left ASEAN, nor withdrawn from important regional bodies like the Mekong River Commission.  A report from February claimed that Vietnam had invested in 45 projects in Cambodia, worth around $1.7 billion, through the scheme since its inception in 2004. Yet, much of this investment likely would have happened bilaterally without the CLV framework.  In fact, a 2017 study showed that the majority of the program’s benefits went to Vietnam. Chhengpor Aun, an analyst, summarized it well: Cambodia’s leadership concluded that the CLV-DTA carried “higher political risks domestically than transnational economic and diplomatic gains it promised to deliver.” Granted, Hanoi won’t be pleased with Cambodia’s decision, especially given the ongoing controversy over Phnom Penh’s decision to progress with the Funan Techo Canal despite Vietnam’s concerns. The China-backed megaproject could have a major ecological impact on southern Vietnam and would reduce Cambodia’s reliance on Vietnamese ports.  Hanoi will be wary about the narrative that Cambodia’s exit from the CLV-DTA now opens the door for more Chinese investment, at the expense of Vietnamese influence.  However, the communist parties of Laos and Vietnam understand that authoritarian governments sometimes need to placate domestic dissent, even at the cost of international investment.  In 2019, Hanoi canceled a special economic zone (SEZ) law that would have granted Chinese companies greater access to northern Vietnam, following public outrage.  Dogged by history with Hanoi  It is likely that both Vientiane and Hanoi were briefed by Cambodia about the move beforehand. Hun Manet said that he informed both capitals that the decision was made “to disarm the opposition and maintain peace and solidarity.” The bigger question is what this means for Cambodian domestic politics.  Sources within the government say that the intensity of the anti-CLV reaction caught the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) by surprise.  Following last year’s leadership transition — when Hun Sen stepped down as prime minister after 38 years in power and appointed his eldest son as his replacement — the CPP hoped that it would be less vulnerable to anti-Vietnam rhetoric.  Hun Sen was perennially dogged by allegations of being a Vietnam lackey, given his history as the head ofHanoi-installed Cambodian government in the 1980s. Few things stir the Khmer as much as claims that Vietnam is encroaching on Cambodian territory. Cambodian civil servants hold photographs of Prime Minister Hun Manet and his father during a groundbreaking ceremony of China-funded Funan Techo canal, Aug. 5, 2024. (Heng Sinith/AP) Anti-Vietnamese sentiment dates back several centuries, when Cambodia was carved up by Vietnam and Siam.  Under French colonial rule, the Vietnamese were perceived as having privileged status over the Khmers. Pogroms against ethnic Vietnamese took place during the 1970s, and the Khmer Rouge, a genocidal regime, exterminated much of the Vietnamese diaspora.  Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge general, marched alongside Vietnamese troops in 1979 to help overthrow that regime. The Vietnamese soldiers stayed for a decade, and in 1985, Hanoi helped install Hun Sen as prime minister.  RELATED STORIES Cambodia pulls out of regional economic deal amid criticism EXPLAINED: Why is Cambodia threatening arrests over a 3-nation economic zone? Cambodia’s Funan Techo canal exposes cracks in Vietnam ties Will Cambodia’s Funan Techo canal be a success? Exploiting a weak spot Despite Hun Sen’s dominance, anti-Vietnamese nationalism remained his weak spot, exploited by opposition parties since the 1980s. The now-dissolved Cambodia National Rescue Party found it easy to brand Hun Sen a lackey to the youn, a derogatory term for the Vietnamese. It was hoped that such narratives would fade when Hun Manet took power. His rise to power was supposed to symbolize not only a generational shift in the CPP but also a generational change in culture, a new politics that no longer framed everything by the events of 1979.  Yet, the return of anti-Vietnam sentiment in the form of the anti-CLV protests suggests that some things remain unchanged. Worse, the anti-CLV protests coincided with the overthrow of Bangladesh’s dictator, which sparked fears of a “color revolution” in Phnom Penh. Former Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, left, guides former Vietnamese President Nguyen Phu Trong during a visit to the Peace Palace in Phnom Penh, Feb. 26, 2019. (Heng Sinith/AP) The immediate response of Hun Sen, who still calls the shots, was predictable. The government swiftly moved to suppress dissent. According to the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO), over 100 people have been arrested since late July, and more than 60 charged and imprisoned, for voicing opinions about the CLV-DTA.  Both Hun Sen and Hun Manet labeled the protesters “extremists,” and Phnom Penh’s propagandists stuck to their brief: “We are not losing our land, and we are not losing our sovereignty.”  But clearly, Phnom Penh decided this was not a battle worth fighting.  A more aggressive crackdown would have succeeded, but with foreign governments beginning to take notice – especially as the Cambodia authorities were targeting activists who were agitating against the CLV abroad – the risks outweighed the rewards. One goal of Hun Manet’s leadership is to improve Cambodia’s image internationally after relations with the West had deteriorated since 2017.  Nagging criticism Many Western governments have bought into the notion without evidence that Hun Manet is more of a liberal reformer than his father – someone they no longer need to pinch their nose when doing business with.  Phnom Penh eventually chose the easier route: withdrawing from the CLV-DTA, trusting that most people wouldn’t focus too much on the contradiction—if it didn’t jeopardize sovereignty, why quit?  Hun Sen is a protean politician unconcerned with contradictions.  Attempting to put the matter to bed, Hun Manet emphasized in a September 26 speech that the country was now united, saying, “There’s no…

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