On the 80th anniversary of the Holocaust, a London memorial event honored past atrocities but glaringly omitted the ongoing Uyghur genocide. This silence is not just an oversight—it’s a warning. If we are to uphold the promise of “Never Again,” we must not ignore present-day atrocities.
This story was originally published on the website of CommonWealth Magazine and is reprinted with permission The Chinese military conducted exercises again, but this time, it felt notably different. Between December 9 and 11, China designated seven reserved airspaces east of Zhejiang and Fujian. In response, Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense (MND) immediately announced the establishment of a response center and activated its preparedness drills on December 9. “This was the largest-scale activity around Taiwan since the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis,” said MND spokesperson Sun Li-fang. However, unlike the previous Joint Sword A and B exercises that were highly publicized, China did not issue any official announcements regarding these drills, despite Taiwan’s heightened military alert. “This wasn’t exactly a military drill,” emphasized MND Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence Hsieh Jih-sheng, “But, announced or not, the scale of vessels dispatched this time was staggering, with their range extending from the first to the second island chain.” The only solid figures made available to the public came from senior national security officials who disclosed to Reuters that China had deployed nearly 90 naval and coast guard vessels around Taiwan, as well as in the East and South China Seas, two-thirds of which were warships. Despite the large deployment, Taiwan’s MND reported that the cumulative number of Chinese aircraft and vessels over the two-day period did not surpass single-day records set in September and October of 2024. Adding to the ambiguity, the MND did not disclose the exact positions and deployments of Chinese ships or coast guard vessels. Observers speculated that China’s recent actions were likely in response to President Lai Ching-te’s return from diplomatic visits to Taiwan’s allies. However, military experts argued that Taiwan’s heightened state of alert looked more like a proactive “preventive deterrence” strategy. Did Taiwan’s Preventive Action Diminish China’s Threat? “The political timing of these exercises seemed off,” observed Ou Si-fu, Director of the Chinese Politics, Military, and Operational Concepts Research Division at Taiwan’s Institute for National Defense and Security Research. From a broader perspective, Nick Marro, Global Trade Lead Analyst at the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), noted that China was focused on diplomatic repair and dealing with renewed trade tensions with the United States, making a large-scale invasion of Taiwan or military drill unlikely in the short term. Additionally, both the Cross-Strait Entrepreneurs Summit and the Twin-City Forum had taken place recently. More significantly, Trump and Xi Jinping had just spoken on the phone, making an escalation in the Taiwan Strait immediately afterward unlikely. Moreover, the timing was not favorable for major military exercises. Historically, China conducted real-combat drills in July and August as part of its annual training cycle. After mid-autumn, the Taiwan Strait would become more treacherous, unsuitable for large-scale operations, and China typically entered a review and assessment phase at the year-end. “The Chinese military tended to be quieter in December. With the sea conditions being poor, I was certain several navy and coast guard personnel were experiencing seasickness,” quipped Christopher Sharman, Director of the China Maritime Studies Institute at the U.S. Naval War College. According to Taiwan’s MND, there had been no live-fire activity or flight bans reported within the seven reserved airspaces announced by China. Furthermore, these reserved zones stretched from Zhejiang to Fujian. “These areas looked more like they were isolating China itself rather than Taiwan,” remarked Drew Thompson, Senior Fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University and a former U.S. defense official. Still, Taiwan’s heightened alert highlighted a crucial trend: the key force behind China’s intimidation of Taiwan—the Chinese Navy—had already significantly expanded over the past two years. The Real Risk is Complacency “Extensive Chinese military activity in the Western Pacific was no longer news,” said Drew Thompson. “Let’s not forget that China now has the world’s largest navy.” “Without position data or an official PLA statement, this event remained difficult to interpret. However, China had already demonstrated its capability to maintain a persistent presence around Taiwan, Japan, the Philippines, and the South China Sea,” he added. Sharman further warned that China’s military actions did not always require naming, but over the past two years, the PLA had normalized airspace intrusions in the Taiwan Strait and steadily increased naval deployments around Taiwan. This trend risked desensitizing observers, allowing China to mask real operations under routine exercises. Nick Marro also observed that Taiwan’s stock and currency markets were unaffected by previous military exercises. “One could say markets had stabilized, and people were no longer afraid. However, the flip side was that complacency may have been setting in, which is the greatest risk.”
Exactly one year ahead of the Communist Party of Vietnam’s 14th Party Congress, the Central Committee convened its 10th Plenum, where General Secretary To Lam further solidified his lock on the party. There were a number of personnel changes in the convocation that started Sept. 18, 2024, the most important of which was the elevation of Lam’s longtime protege and former deputy minister of public security, Nguyen Duy Ngoc, to the Politburo. Upon his election as general secretary, following Nguyen Phu Trong’s death in July 2024, Lam appointed Ngoc to be the head of the Central Committee Office. This is not a sexy position, but it is the absolute nerve center of the Communist Party, responsible for setting up, drafting documents and agenda-setting for party plenums, as well as a host of other personnel issues. If one wanted loyal eyes and ears ahead of a party congress, the Central Committee Office is as good a place as any. Lam did meet some resistance when he tried to quickly elevate Ngoc as the standing chairman of the Secretariat, when Luong Cuong was elected president in August 2024. There appears to have been some concern at the time that Lam was amassing too much power. But at the 10th Plenum, Ngoc was elected to the Politburo. This is surprising, because under Party rules, one is only eligible to be on the Politburo after one full term on the Central Committee. Ngoc only joined the 13th Central Committee in January 2021. That speaks volumes about the trust To Lam has in him, as well as the lock Lam has on the Politburo and the Central Committee. RELATED STORIES To Lam moves to secure full term at pinnacle of Vietnamese power To Lam shakes up Vietnam with a government restructuring plan Vietnam’s To Lam throws his drowning rival an anvil Lam is governing with a sense of pragmatic urgency, fearful of falling into the middle income trap. He is pushing ahead with a major government re-organization that will lead to roughly one-fifth of civil servants losing their jobs and 10 ministries being folded into just five. That shakeup is meant to improve government efficiency, and speed up decision-making. But to get all that done, Lam needs to put in place loyal supporters of his agenda, and remove corners of resistance. Vietnam’s former Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung waves at the opening of the National Assembly’s autumn session in Hanoi on Oct. 20, 2022.(Nhac Nguyen/AFP) Courting the South Ahead of the 10th Plenum, though, was another event that had important political implications. To Lam awarded the highest party honor to former Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung. Dung had vied to become the CPV General Secretary at the 12th Congress in January 2016, but lost to Nguyen Phu Trong. The two men despised each other. Dung promoted a vision of growth based on market reforms. Trong saw that as not only a betrayal of socialist values, but as a policy that would enhance inequality and corruption, leading to the party’s loss of legitimacy. Although out of central decision making, Trong could never make corruption allegations against Dung stick. Meanwhile, Dung quietly positioned his American-educated son for advancement. Now the minister of construction, Nguyen Thanh Nghi, was recently made the deputy party chief of Ho Chi Minh City. Lam quickly and publicly courted Nguyen Tan Dung upon being elected general secretary. It was not just the simpatico of former Ministry of Public Security officials. While Lam’s lock on the party apparatus is very strong, he has one shortcoming: Southerners are really under-represented on the Politburo and other central-level bodies. In part, this is because Trong really worked to purge the southern party apparatus, which he deemed as too free wheeling. At present, only three of the 16 Politburo members are southerners — two are from the central region, while the remainder are northerners. Southerners are demanding greater representation on the 14th Politburo and Central Committee. Key to winning southern support is Nguyen Tan Dung, the most politically connected and savvy politician in the south. As such, his son, Nguyen Thanh Nghi is likely to be elevated. So while Dung’s Gold Star medal clearly signals the end of the Nguyen Phu Trong era, it also reflects the one key bloc that To Lam is actively courting so that he can put in place a leadership team of his making, not the traditional balances amongst factions and regions. Zachary Abuza is a professor at the National War College in Washington and an adjunct at Georgetown University. The views expressed here are his own and do not reflect the position of the U.S. Department of Defense, the National War College, Georgetown University or Radio Free Asia. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Defying orders from Lao officials, a Chinese-owned potash mining company hasn’t stopped operating near two massive sinkholes in central Laos, a Lao official, a worker and residents told Radio Free Asia. On Dec. 4, a sinkhole measuring 20 meters (65 feet) wide and 10 meters (33 feet) deep opened up on farmland in Thakhaek district’s Pak Peng village in Khammouane province. On Dec. 21, another sinkhole — about half the size of the first — formed nearby. Residents suspect the sinkholes are a result of excavation at a potash mine in neighboring Nong Bok district, operated by Sino-Agri International Potash Co., Ltd., a subsidiary of Asia Potash International Investment (Guangzhou) Co., Ltd., linked to entities directed by China’s governing State Council. No one has been injured by the cave-ins, but villagers are anxious that more holes will appear. Earlier this month, Lao authorities told the company to stop operations near the sinkholes. But on Wednesday, an official with the government team investigating the matter told RFA Lao on condition of anonymity that Sino-Agri International “has never stopped operating near the sinkhole area.” Residents, who also declined to be named due to security concerns, also confirmed to RFA that the potash mine “is still running,” and that they regularly hear operations underway near the sinkhole area. Attempts by RFA to contact Sino-Agri International went unanswered. An employee who wished to remain nameless said the company continues to work “both above and underground all the time,” adding that more workers are being hired. No probe results yet Meanwhile, after nearly two months, an investigation into the cause of the sinkholes wrapped up on Sunday, a government team member told RFA, but official results have yet to be released. The team will hold another meeting next week to outline the investigation results, he said, noting that while the probe was initially expected to be completed by Jan. 21, there is no hard deadline. Khammouane Province Governor Vanxay Phongsavanh, left, and his delegation inspect a sinkhole in Pakpeng village, Laos, Dec. 4, 2024.(Khammouane News) Residents of Thakhek district were quick to dismiss the report. “They [the city and provincial officials] are like that — they don’t want the villagers to know,“ said one resident at the time. ”But the truth is nothing like this has happened before … The sinkholes are pretty close to their [the mine operator’s] drilling tunnel — no more than 150 meters (500 feet).” ‘We don’t know the real cause’ An official with the Ministry of Energy and Mines investigation team told RFA at the time that his group was working daily to find the cause of the sinkholes. “As for the potash mine, we didn’t say it [the sinkholes] was related to the mine yet because we don’t know the real cause,” he said. But other residents said that while Lao authorities had consulted with Sino-Agri International during the investigation, “they ignored our concerns.” “It must be related to the mine since it happened while the tunnel was being drilled, and before exploration occurred,” another resident said. “Villagers can’t carry out a technical analysis, but according to our observation this is the first time something like this has happened [here] in decades.” Translated by RFA Lao. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
More than 1,000 civilians have fled Rakhine state’s capital Sittwe and nearby areas in western Myanmar, fearing heavy artillery attacks as tensions rise between junta forces and the Arakan Army, an ethnic armed group that has advanced on junta positions, residents said Friday. Ongoing exchanges of fire between junta soldiers and the Arakan Army, or AA, in nearby villages, have prompted residents to seek safe havens out of concern that they might be hit by bombs, sniper fire, drone strikes or air strikes, should the conflict escalate. Of the 17 townships in Rakhine state, 14 are under the control of the AA, leaving only three — Sittwe, the military council’s regional headquarters, Kyaukphyu and Munaung — still in the hands of the military junta. An aerial view of Sittwe township in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state, May 15, 2023.(AP) “Some already fled from Sittwe township, but now they find themselves forced to flee again, adding to their hardships,” the person said. “Many are struggling due to a lack of warm clothing for winter and severe shortages of basic necessities after being displaced.” Junta fortifies positions The junta’s blockade of transportation routes in Rakhine state, which has made travel for displaced civilians difficult, has compounded the situation, they said. Sittwe residents told RFA that the AA has surrounded the city with a large number of troops while the military junta has fortified its positions, increasing its military presence with battalions outside the city, in areas of Sittwe, and at Sittwe University, in preparation for a defensive stand. RELATED STORIES EXPLAINED: What is Myanmar’s Arakan Army? Myanmar junta troops tell residents of villages near Sittwe to leave by Friday Arakan Army’s gains enough to enable self-rule in Myanmar’s Rakhine state (COMMENTARY) Myanmar’s Arakan Army draws closer to region’s capital Additionally, thousands of Rohingya — a stateless ethnic group that predominantly follows Islam and resides in Rakhine state — have been given military training by the junta, sources said. “The army is shooting; the navy is also shooting,” said a Sittwe resident. “People are afraid. They don’t know when the fighting will start.” AA’s heavy artillery The AA has already fired heavy artillery and used snipers. Local news reports on Jan. 27 indicated that daily exchanges of fire were occurring between the ethnic army and junta forces, including the use of attack drones. Civilians displaced by armed conflict flee Sittwe, capital of western Myanmar’s Rakhine state, Jan. 29, 2025.(Wai Hun Aung) Attempts by RFA to contact both AA spokesperson Khaing Thu Kha and junta spokesperson and Rakhine state attorney general Hla Thein for comment on the issue went unanswered by the time of publishing. Human rights advocate Myat Tun said he believes the AA will resort to military action in Sittwe if political negotiations fail. “The situation in Sittwe is escalating,” he said. “The AA is preparing to take military action if political solutions are not reached.” Translated by Aung Naing for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese. Myanmar’s junta has banned employment agencies from sending military aged men abroad as it struggles with a growing civil war while promising to extend peace and stability for an election that it hopes will bolster its legitimacy. Millions of Myanmar people have gone abroad to work, many through arrangements it has with other governments, organized by employment agencies. While the overseas workers are an important source of income for the junta that seized power in a coup on Feb. 1, 2021, the military is also keen to fill the ranks of its armed forces as it battles ethnic minority insurgents and allied pro-democracy fighters. Nearly a year after the junta enforced a conscription law, began recruiting women and arresting young men to serve, it has sought to block prospective soldiers from travelling abroad for work, representatives of employment agencies told Radio Free Asia on Friday. “Starting today, people between the ages of 18 and 35 will no longer be eligible for the OWIC,” an official at a Yangon-based oversea employment agency told Radio Free Asia, referring to the Overseas Worker Identification Card, issued by the Ministry of Labor, which everyone hoping to work abroad must obtain. “The restriction does not apply to women yet, only males between the ages of 18 and 35,” the official said, referring to a ministry order to stop issuing the cards. RFA tried to telephone the junta’s spokesperson, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Htun, to ask about the policy, but he did not answer. Minister of Labor Nyan Win also declined to comment and referred RFA to Zaw Min Htun. The ruling military extended a state of emergency for another six months on Friday saying more needed to be done to ensure peace and stability for a successful general election. No date has been set for an election, which anti-junta forces have dismissed as a sham. The constitution mandates that an election must be held within six months after a state of emergency is lifted. RELATED STORIES Myanmar aid groups struggle with freeze as UN warns of ‘staggering’ hunger Tide of Myanmar war refugees tests Thailand’s welcome mat for migrants Myanmar junta prepares to send migrant workers to Russia in 2025 In December, junta authorities ordered job agencies to add a clause in migrant workers’ contracts stating they could be called home for military service. One young man hoping to get a job through an agency to work in Thailand – where about 1.8 million Myanmar workers are officially employed and many more work unofficially – was despondent about his chances. “I already signed a contract with the agency and put a deposit down,” said the 25-year-old who declined to be identified. Another employment agency employee said migrant workers who come home for a visit could be banned from going back to their jobs abroad. “Some people might come back without studying the situation here … They won’t be given permission to go abroad again,” said the agency staffer, who also declined to be identified. Under Myanmar’s Military Service Enactment Law, anyone summoned for military service, as well as anyone who manages to postpone their service, are not allowed to travel to go abroad. Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
>>> See the special page here. May 11, 2021 The recently leaked document provides new insight into how China characterizes extremist threats. More than three quarters of the names on a recently leaked Chinese government list of some 10,000 “suspected terrorists” are ethnic Uyghurs, while the document includes hundreds of minors and the elderly, providing rare insight into how Beijing characterizes threats it has used to lock up more than a million people. In 2020, a group of Australian hackers obtained the list, which was culled from more than 1 million surveillance records compiled by the Shanghai Public Security Bureau “Technology Division” and, after vetting it for authenticity, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) published it last month. The PSB unit is responsible for building databases and “image, wireless, and wired communication systems,” according to ABC, and experts say it most likely determines who should be placed on watchlists and further investigated as potential threats to the state. Most of the entries on the document, which RFA’s Uyghur Service has obtained a copy of and refers to as the “Shanghai List,” include dates of birth, places of residence, ID numbers, ethnicity, and gender of the individuals, nearly all of whom are referred to as “suspected terrorists,” although some are identified as having “created disturbances.” More than 7,600 of the people listed on the document are ethnic Uyghurs, while the rest are mostly Kazakh and Kyrgyz, fellow Turkic Muslims. The list, which analysts believe was compiled in 2018 at the latest, contains entries for individuals from all walks of life in Uyghur society, including ordinary citizens, children as young as five and six years old, senior citizens in their 80s, and Uyghurs who have lived and traveled abroad, as well as Uyghurs in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) who have never been abroad before. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
MAE SOT, Thailand – Groups helping victims of Myanmar’s turmoil are struggling to provide assistance after the U.S. put a 90-day freeze on nearly all foreign aid, one organization said on Thursday, as the U.N. warned of looming hunger five years after the military ousted an elected government. More than 3.5 million people have been displaced in Myanmar due to war between a junta that seized power in 2021, which is backed by China and sanctioned by Western governments, and a loose alliance of pro-democracy and ethnic minority groups battling to end military rule. In the 2024 fiscal year, which ended on Sept. 30, the U.S. provided $141 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar, much of which is channeled through groups working on the Thai-Myanmar border. The U.S. State Department on Friday announced the freeze on nearly all aid in order to give the State Department time to review programs “to ensure they are efficient and consistent with U.S. foreign policy under the America First agenda.” In the days since, stop-work orders have been sent by the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, to implementing partners ranging from media organizations to clinics. One aid worker, who declined to be identified, said about 20 relief groups providing healthcare with USAID assistance along the Thai-Myanmar border were at risk of being suspended. Nai Aue Mon, program director of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland group,which documents human rights violations, said communication and travel costs, salaries and stipends would be hit. “To be honest, it’s widespread, it’s huge,” Nai Aue Mon said of the impact of the aid freeze on humanitarian groups in areas under the administration of the anti-junta Karen National Union in Kayin state and to the south in Mon state, affecting thousands of people. “It significantly impacts those groups … nearly every organization is more or less impacted by this executive order.” Groups might have some funds in reserve and were scrambling for other sources of donations but the outlook was grim, he said. “As far as I know, my organization, we still have some resources but we don’t know after that,” Nai Aue Mon said. “We’re definitely struggling a lot.” RELATED STORIES China undermines its interests by boosting support for Myanmar’s faltering junta Tide of Myanmar war refugees tests Thailand’s welcome mat for migrants Thailand to try to fill the gap Some 100,000 ethnic Karen people from eastern Myanmar war zones have lived in camps on the Thai side for decades and people fleeing more recent repression in Myanmar’s towns and cities have also sought shelter on the border. Refugee camp hospitals were having to discharge patients because health workers had been suspended from duties, a health worker speaking on the condition of anonymity for security reasons told RFA. Thailand will help fill the gap in funding for the camps on its soil, at least for the time being, a government minister said, according to The Bangkok Post. “We cannot abandon or chase them away since they have lived here in the camps for a long time,” Thai Public Health Minister Somsak Thepsutin told the newspaper. “We cannot just talk about refugees who have been affected … All kinds of healthcare and assistance must be provided to other groups of people who live in this country.” The freeze in U.S. aid comes as Myanmar is spiraling into a humanitarian crisis, aid groups say. “A staggering 15 million people are expected to face hunger in 2025, up from 13.3 million last year,” the World Food Programme said in a report on Wednesday. Almost 20 million people, or nearly one in three people in Myanmar, will need humanitarian assistance in 2025, the U.N. food agency said. “Growing conflict across the country, access restrictions, a crumbling economy and successive weather-related crises are driving record levels of hunger,” said the WFP Country Director Michael Dunford. “The world cannot afford to overlook Myanmar’s escalating crisis. Without immediate and increased international support, hundreds of thousands more will be pushed to the brink.” Edited by RFA Staff. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
On the Thai-Myanmar border, sick patients are being sent home from hospital. In Laos, school meals have been interrupted. And in Cambodia, hundreds of staff at the agency responsible for clearing land mines have been furloughed. The U.S. State Department on Friday in Myanmar due to AIDS, and testing and treatment programs have allowed hundreds of thousands to access antiretrovirals as well as lower the likelihood of contracting the virus in the first place. On Tuesday, the Trump administration issued a waiver permitting distribution of HIV medications, but this does not appear to restart broader preventative programs. In Bangladesh, where more than 1 million Rohingya who fled violence in Myanmar live in that has sent the cost of food and other basic goods skyrocketing. In Houaphan, which is one of the poorest provinces in the country, a school meals program has already had to scale back, according to a teacher who spoke to RFA on the condition of anonymity. Cambodia Like Laos, Cambodia still struggles with the legacies of decades of conflict as unexploded ordnance continues to maim and kill. The U.S. halt on funding demining programs is likely to set the government back in its goal to be mine-free by the end of the year. Chok Sopheap, then-executive director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, delivers a speech to mark International Women’s Day, March 8, 2023, in Phnom Penh.(Heng Sinith/AP) Heng Kimhong, executive director of the Cambodian Youth Network, said that the suspension of U.S. government assistance would reduce some of its activities related to youth empowerment and the ability to protect natural resources. A USAID fact sheet issued last year noted that deforestation contributed heavily to climate change in Cambodia, which is considered particularly prone to natural disaster. Still, Heng Kimhong said he was “optimistic” funding would be restored as the U.S. is “not a country that only thinks about itself,” he said. “The United States is a country that protects and ensures the promotion of maintaining world order, building democracy, as well as building better respect for human rights.” Tibet Tibet’s government-in-exile, the Central Tibetan Administration, or CTA, represents the Tibetan diaspora and administers schools, health centers and government services for Tibetan exiles in India and Nepal. Several sources speaking on the condition of anonymity told RFA that the suspension affects programs run by the CTA, the Tibetan Parliament and a range of Tibet-related non-governmental organizations, raising concerns over the continuity of key welfare programs supporting Tibetans outside of China. An upcoming preparatory meeting for the Parliament-in-Exile was postponed as a result of the funding pause, sources told RFA. “The directive applies uniformly to all foreign aid recipients. Since Tibetan aid has been secured through congressional support and approval, efforts are underway to work with the State Department and relevant agencies to expedite the review and approval process for continued assistance,” Namgyal Choedup, the representative of the Office of Tibet in Washington, told RFA. A person holds an “Aid Tibet” sticker before a press conference to highlight the plight of Tibetans, on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., on March 28, 2023.(Stefani Reynolds/AFP) Various Tibetan NGOs and activist groups based in India expressed their concerns about the impact of the freeze in foreign assistance programs and said they hoped it would be soon lifted. Gonpo Dhondup, president of the Tibetan Youth Congress, emphasized the importance of U.S. aid for the Tibetan freedom movement and community stability. Tsering Dolma, president of the Tibetan Women’s Association, said assistance has been crucial for maintaining the exile Tibetan community. “Despite the 90-day suspension, I hope an alternative arrangement can be made to ensure continued U.S. support,” Tashi, a Tibetan resident in Dharamsala, told RFA. North Korea While the U.S. has long banned providing aid to the North Korean government, it has been a supporter of North Korean human rights organizations. Such programs help with global advocacy efforts on behalf of those living inside the closed nation, and also support refugees abroad. A representative from a North Korean human rights organization, who requested anonymity to speak freely, said the group received the stop-work order from their U.S. funders Saturday and requested an exemption waiver. “We will not be able to pay staff salaries, making furloughs or contract terminations inevitable. Backpay is also impossible because providing backpay would imply that employees worked during that period.” Ji Chul-ho, a North Korean escapee who is the director of external relations at the South Korea-based rights organization NAUH, told RFA he worried about the longer term impacts of such a pause. “While this is said to be a temporary suspension of grant expenditures, I worry that it will lead to a reduction in North Korean human rights activities and make it harder for various organizations to raise their voices collectively,” he said. Sean Kang, co-founder of the Ohio-based North Korea Human Rights Watch, told RFA a funding pause was hugely disruptive. “U.S. government projects related to North Korea require meticulous planning and scheduling, maintaining security, and being carried out cautiously over the medium to long term,” he said. “A three-month [pause] in such projects can cause significant disruptions, and if funding is ultimately canceled, all the efforts made so far could be wasted, leading to an even greater loss.” Reporting by RFA Burmese, RFA Khmer, RFA Korean, RFA Lao, and RFA Tibetan. We are : Investigative Journalism Reportika Investigative Reports Daily Reports Interviews Surveys Reportika
Read the report on How in rural China, the traditional practice of bride price, has spiraled into a dire social and economic crisis.
