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Thailand lets autocratic neighbors hunt down opponents on its soil

Even by Cambodian standards, it was a brazen attack on an opposition figure.

, a 56-year-old Thai-based Lao democracy activist who had received UNHCR refugee status, was gunned down in bordering Ubon Ratchathani province.

These incidents may represent a quid pro quo between Bangkok and Vientiane.

Following the Thai military’s May 2014 seizure of power, a number of democracy activists fled to Laos.

During an April 2018 visit to Bangkok, Lt. Gen. Souvone Leuangbounmy, the chief-of-staff of the Lao People’s Armed Forces, pledged assistance to Gen.Prayuth Chanocha in tracking down Thai activists.

Disappearing activists

That help was already ongoing. In June 2016, the Thai anti-monarchy activists Ittapon Sukpaen disappeared; in 2017, .

Helping Hanoi

No country has benefitted more from Thai cooperation or a blind eye in recent years than Vietnam.

In January 2019, Thai authorities detained Radio Free Asia blogger Truong Duy Nhat, who was in the process of applying for refugee status, and turned him over to Vietnamese police, who spirited him across the border to Laos and then Vietnam.

Thai authorities have denied involvement.

In March 2020, a Vietnamese court sentenced Nhat to 10 years for fraud, dating back to a nearly two-decade old investigation into the purchase of land for the newspaper’s office when he was editor at Dai Doan Ket, a state-owned paper in Danang.

Nhat had fled to Thailand in 2016 after serving a two-year prison term for “abusing democratic freedoms,” after writing blog posts that were critical of the Communist Party.

In April 2023, Vietnamese security forces allegedly abducted an exiled journalist, Duong Van Thai, 41, from outside of his house in northern Bangkok. Security cameras captured his shrieks.

Thai had fled to Thailand in 2019 fearing persecution, and like Nhat, was in the process of applying for refugee status.

Thailand’s ostensible democracy

While Vietnamese authorities may be chastened about trying more snatch-and-grabs from the streets of Germany, they clearly feel they can act with impunity or tacit approval in Southeast Asia.

Vietnamese authorities have also pursued legal extraditions.

In mid-2024, Thailand returned an ethnic minority Montagnard activist to Vietnam. Y Quynh Bdap, 32, had been living in Thailand since 2018 and had received UN refugee status.

Last October, a Thai court authorized his extradition, despite the fact that he faced a 10-year sentence after being tried and convicted in absentia of “terrorism” charges.

Trinh Xuan Thanh, a former Vietnamese state oil executive, is led to court in Hanoi on Jan. 22, 2018. Thanh was kidnapped from Germany.
(VIETNAM NEWS AGENCY, Lillian Suwanrumpha/Vietnam News Agency via AFP)

Even more alarming, last March, a group of police from the Central Highland provinces of Dan Lak and Gia Lai were in Thailand conducting interviews in Montagnard refugee communities, trying to learn of Bdap’s whereabouts and to pressure the asylum seekers to return to Vietnam.

It is unlikely that Vietnamese police could have operated so overtly without the approval and support of Thai security forces.

In January 2024, nearly 100 Montagnard suspects were put on trial and convicted for riots that killed nine people, including four policemen, and resulted in the burning of commune offices. Some 53 of them were convicted on charges of “terrorism against the people’s government.”

While we should not be surprised by the actions of Lao, Cambodian or Vietnamese security forces, Thailand is ostensibly a democracy.

Since the 2014 military coup in Bangkok, however, Thai authorities have either been complicit or turned a blind eye to the actions of the security forces of neighboring authoritarian countries.

The elected Thai government of Paetongtarn Shinawatra is already on its back feet after the courts ousted her predecessor Srettha Thavsin.

Under military pressure, no Thai government can afford to be seen as anti-monarchy in any way.

To ensure access to exiled Thai anti-monarchists, Thailand has chosen to remain at the center of this informal compact to target neighboring dissidents.

Zachary Abuza is a professor at the National War College in Washington and an adjunct at Georgetown University. The views expressed here are his own and do not reflect the position of the U.S. Department of Defense, the National War College, Georgetown University or Radio Free Asia.

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