I am Rinzin Namgyal, born and raised in the Phuntsokling Tibetan refugee settlement in Odisha. Our settlement comprises five camps, and both our professional and private lives are significantly influenced by societal factors rather than merely family factors, as we live in a Tibetan-concentrated refugee settlement. However, in my case, my family has played a crucial role.
My grandparents fled Tibet and entered Indian territory through Bomdila (Arunachal Pradesh border), working as road construction workers in the Kullu-Manali region. Like many early Tibetan refugees, they toiled in such jobs for their livelihood. This instilled in me a profound understanding of the hardships they endured, as the Tibetan community started from the ashes. Their resilience remains a source of pride and inspiration for me. Additionally, my father served in the Indian Army’s Special Frontier Force, a Tibetan guerrilla force established to counter the Chinese in the high Himalayan mountains. His dedication to Tibet, despite residing in India and dreaming of returning one day, has been a tremendous catalyst for me. It inspired me to pursue studies related to China, driven by a desire to contribute to my own identity and honour His Holiness the Great 14th Dalai Lama, who is the sole leader responsible of what we are today.
For many Tibetans entering Indian universities, identity issues often arise due to the differences from native Indian students. My perspective on Tibet has recently evolved, prompting questions such as: What if His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama were not with us tomorrow? What if the Indian government revoked our refugee status? Where would we go? Is the current Central Tibetan Administration truly self-reliant? These questions instill a sense of urgency for having our own land.
For many Tibetan students, the geopolitical significance of Tibet has recently shifted. Chinese aggression at the Indian border, environmental crises, and the consequences of irresponsible Chinese development across the Tibetan plateau—known as the world’s third pole—highlight Tibet’s strategic importance. This has helped forge an understanding of Tibet’s geopolitical significance, positioned at the centre of South and Central Asia, serving as a vital bridge.
Since childhood, I have felt a strong sense of duty to repay what His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama has given us. Privately, I have always had a keen interest in History, Politics, and International Relations. Consequently, I pursued a Bachelor’s degree in History, delving into Chinese history. As I progressed to my Master’s, I realised that this course (M.A EAST ASIAN STUDIES) would most appropriately serve my identity, interests, and aspirations. I also plan to pursue a PhD in China Studies in the near future.
As a research intern at the Foundation of Non-Violent Alternatives, a public policy organisation focused on the objective study of Tibet, Tibetan affairs, and their security implications for India, I find my work both convenient and motivating. I cover topics related to Tibet, China, and Xinjiang, including recent developments in these areas since this area is also my Master’s level study. FNVA provides an excellent environment for learning and growth, with colleagues who have extensive experience and insight into these fields. Moreover, I work as a Tibetan translator and announcer for All India Radio, which kept me informed about daily developments in Tibet. Overall, my work and education align perfectly, allowing me to broaden my understanding, deepen my knowledge, and continually improve.
The question itself implies an answer. The issues mentioned are recent developments that have come into the spotlight, yet the situation in Tibet stands in stark contrast. Since the Chinese occupation of Tibet in 1959, Tibet has faced a serious existential threat and is on the brink of a complete genocide of Tibetan identity through Beijing’s programmes, such as colonial boarding schools, aimed at assimilating Tibetan younger generations into mainstream Han culture. However, the China-Philippines tussle, the Taiwan issue, and the India-China standoffs provide a perfect example of what Tibetans have been warning about for the past seven decades: do not feed the dragon (China) through trade. China’s plan is one of expansionism and establishing a Beijing rule-based international order. The situation in Tibet is fundamentally a civilisational, sovereignty, and human dignity issue, rather than merely a human rights issue. Given these standoffs with major Asian economies, it seems unlikely that the situation in Tibet will improve in the foreseeable future, as it clearly indicates Beijing’s prioritisation of national security and expansionism.
This is an intriguing question, as the current 16th Kashag Sikyong (President) Penpa Tsering of the Central Tibetan Administration places significant emphasis on raising awareness and forming advocacy groups. As a member of Delhi V-TAG (Volunteer Tibet Advocacy Group), we strive to raise awareness about the challenging situation in Tibet. Recently, we hosted our second International Tibet Youth Forum, aimed at educating V-TAG members worldwide on effective campaigning, lobbying, and global awareness strategies. I view such advocacy groups as the genesis of the Tibetan freedom movement, given that they consist largely of educated young people exposed to diverse cultures.
Historically, such advocacy groups have played a tremendous role in enacting legislation like the Tibet Policy and Support Act 2020 and the US Resolve Tibet Act 2024 in the United States through relentless lobbying with Congressmen. However, in Europe and India, while we continue our efforts, the level of response is lower than in the United States. These advocacy groups not only advocate but also educate on the Tibet issue, which is crucial for Tibet’s future. I consider the US Resolve Tibet Act a milestone in our struggle. Firstly, it explicitly states that Tibet and China are distinct entities, reaffirms that the Tibet issue remains unresolved, and recognizes Tibet’s historical regions like Gansu, Yunnan, Qinghai, and Sichuan as integral parts of Tibet. This stands as a direct challenge to the One China Policy. Such legislation has placed the Tibetan issue on a completely different platform, allowing us to advocate for both complete independence and genuine autonomy, which is our official stance. The Act has been immensely helpful in advancing our movement.
The Chinese occupation of Tibet and East Turkestan holds significant geopolitical implications. As early as the 1950s, Indian intellectuals and statesmen like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and V.D. Savarkar warned about the profound geopolitical shifts and consequences for India. Firstly, Tibet is rich in natural resources, including critical minerals like lithium and freshwater. The Sanjiangyuan National Park in the Amdo region of Tibet (Qinghai Province) is known as the “water tower of China.”
Secondly, in terms of trade, East Turkestan serves as a gateway to Central Asian countries and thereby to Europe. Beijing’s strategic maneuvers through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative underscore the geopolitical significance of this region.
Thirdly, within China, there is a belief that safeguarding the peripheries (Tibet and East Turkestan) ensures the security of the core (Mainland China). Losing control over these regions would be a substantial setback for China.
I firmly believe that Beijing’s approach and the root of unrest in Tibet hinge solely on two factors: INTENTION AND METHOD. Their aim is to assimilate us and turn us into robots of the CCP, which is utterly incompatible with our centuries-old culture. Their intention is to impose uniformity rather than celebrate diversity, and their method involves harsh assimilation through the sinicisation of Tibetan population, neglecting the rights guaranteed by both the Chinese Constitution and laws on ethnic autonomy.
Our future security depends on aligning intentions and methods to reflect mutual aspirations for diversity and genuine respect. In my view, the future of Tibet-China relations rests on the CCP’s intentions and methods. Correcting these can lead to the Great Unity described in Chinese classics.
The ongoing Indo-China issue is largely rooted in Tibet, as China has employed salami-slicing tactics and border aggression towards India. This situation underscores two key points: Firstly, the current border standoff reveals that historically, Tibet was an independent country, and thus, India and China did not traditionally share a border. Consequently, Chinese claims over territories stem from a lack of historical territorial understanding.
Secondly, this issue is alarming for India, prompting a reevaluation towards supporting Tibet’s independence based on historical truths. Without a permanent resolution to the Tibet issue, there can be no lasting solution to India’s and Bhutan’s border concerns with China.
Firstly, there is currently a span of more than 15 years since His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama himself stated, “I will live for 113 years.” Additionally, many great Tibetan scholars and yogis prophesied that the 14th Dalai Lama would have the longest lifespan among all Dalai Lamas.
The continuity of the Dalai Lama institution in the future hinges entirely on the Tibetan people’s desire for a 15th Dalai Lama, a sentiment frequently expressed by His Holiness himself, who is regarded as the manifestation of Tibet’s patron saint, Avalokiteshvara.
Regarding the selection of the 15th Dalai Lama, it presents both a challenging and straightforward situation. Firstly, China’s State Religious Affairs Bureau Order No. 5 (July 2007) stipulates that the CCP holds the responsibility for selecting the next Dalai Lama, despite the Communist Party’s atheist stance. This issue is of significant concern as it threatens the sanctity of the Dalai Lama lineage.
However, it is also straightforward because His Holiness himself stated, “If I pass away in exile (India), I will definitely be reborn in the free world (outside of Chinese-controlled territory),” emphasizing that the sole authority rests with the Dalai Lama’s wishes and the Tibetan people. Next year, as His Holiness, the supreme holder of the Shakya lineage, turns 90, it has long been anticipated that he will convene a conference involving high-level Tibetan Buddhist masters and bureaucrats. During this event, there will be a declaration on the next 15th Dalai Lama, accompanied by clear instructions and protocols signed by the current 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyaltso.
Regarding the reincarnation process, there are two systems: one where the successor is born before the current Dalai Lama’s passing (Med-Dey Tulku), and another where they are born afterward. Given the current situation in Tibet, I believe the 15th Dalai Lama will follow the Med-Dey Tulku system to ensure continuity during the regency period.
However, US legislative acts, including those concerning the 15th Dalai Lama, are a positive step in preserving the sanctity of the Dalai Lama lineage and other democratic countries should follow.
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Research Intern at FNVA : Foundation for Non-violent Alternatives- an institute for peace studies
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